INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


WILLIAM  ELLIOT  GRIFFIS 


Divi^on 

Section 


DS882 
• &7 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/mikadoinstitutioOOgrif 


THE  MIKADO: 
INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 

A STUDY  OF  THE  INTERNAL 
POLITICAL  FORCES  OF  JAPAN 


vc: 


BY 


William  Elliot  Griffis,  D.D.,  L.H.D. 


FORMERLY  OP  THE  IMPERIAL  UNIVERSITY  OP  TOKYO.  MEM- 
BER OP  THE  NATIONAL  INSTITUTE  OP  ARTS  AND  LETTERS. 
AUTHOR  OP  “THE  MIKADO’S  EMPIRE,”  “THE  JAPANESE 
NATION  IN  EVOLUTION,”  “THE  RELIGIONS  OF  JAPAN.  ” ETO. 


PRINCETON  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
PRINCETON 

LONDON:  HUMPHREY  MILFORD 
OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
1915 


Copyright,  1915,  by 
Princeton  University  Press 

Published  November,  1915 


Believing,  with  all  loyal  Japanese,  that 

THE  GLORY  OF  JaPAN’s  TRIUMPHS  IN  PEACE  AND 
WAR  IS  DUE  TO  “tHE  VIRTUES  OF  THE  MiKADO’s 
ANCESTORS,”  EACH  ONE  OF  WHOM  WAS  “tHE  SON 

OF  Adam,  the  son  of  God,”  the  author  dedi- 
cates THIS  WORK  TO  ALL  LOVERS  OF  TRUTH  IN 

Everlasting  Great  Japan. 


“A  sweet  perfume  is  on  our  Master’s  sleeve, 
The  perfume  of  tlie  sweetest  flower  on  earth, 
Loyalty,  growing  in  the  nation’s  heart.” 

The  Lady  Isao  Seigenji. 


PREFACE 


From  the  launching  in  1850  of  Commodore 
Perry’s  flagship,  the  Susquehanna,  which  I wit- 
nessed, to  the  end  of  the  life  of  Mutsuhito  the 
Great,  in  July,  1912,  and  the  world  events  in 
1915,  my  interest  in  Japan  has  never  flagged. 
The  present  volume  was  written  in  large  part 
during  the  lifetime  of  the  august  monarch,  but 
the  manuscript  was  withheld  for  much  the  same 
reasons  of  delicacy  that  prompt  one  to  refrain 
from  publishing  the  letters  of  a friend  in  the 
lifetime  of  their  writer.  In  this  age,  however, 
the  people  who  revere  their  great  ruler’s  memory 
should  fear  neither  the  light  of  investigation  nor 
the  revelation  of  a human  life,  in  however  exalted 
a position. 

Mikadoism  is  the  symbol  of  all  that  is  dear  to 
the  Japanese;  yet,  like  all  social  forces,  whether 
religion,  or  the  magic  of  a great  name,  or  the 
national  flag,  the  dogma  is  often  abused  by  its 
so-called  friends,  is  made  an  unnecessary  engine 
of  cruelty,  or  is  debased  to  selfish  or  mercenary 
purposes. 

I have  handled  freely  the  ancient  documents, 
and  have  given  my  judgment  of  Dai  Nippon  not 
to  please  or  offend  the  Japanese,  in  or  out  of 


VI 


PREFACE 


power,  but  solely  to  get  at  the  facts  and  truth. 
For  what  happened  in  my  own  lifetime  I have 
set  value  upon  the  personal  testimony  and  reports 
of  eye  witnesses,  myself  included,  more  than  upon 
most  contemporaneous  writings  of  either  natives 
or  foreigners.  I saw  much  of  what  I have  writ- 
ten, when  living  in  the  interior  under  the  feudal 
system,  and  later  in  the  nation’s  capital.  I talked 
with  the  soldiers,  statesmen,  feudal  lords  and 
princes  who  were  leaders  in  the  Restoration  of 
1868,  besides  discussing  later  with  Japanese  and 
foreign  scholars  the  facts  and  philosophy  of  mod- 
ern politics.  Repeated  audiences  of  the  Emperor 
Mutsuhito  and  a study  of  his  life  lead  me  to  place 
him  among  the  really  great  men  of  our  age. 
Without  him,  Japan  could  never  have  become 
what  she  is,  and  as  the  world  recognizes  her 
to-day. 

W.  E.  G. 


Ithaca,  N.  Y. 

September  1,  1915 


TxVBLE  OF  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER 

I. 

II. 

III. 

IV. 
V. 

VI. 

VII. 

VIII. 

IX. 

X. 

XI. 

XII. 

XIII. 

XIV. 
XV. 

XVI. 

XVII. 


PAGE 


A Nation  on  Its  Knees 1 

Japan’s  Seeret  of  Power 8 

The  State  or  Ancestors? 15 

“Unbroken  for  Ages  Eternal” . . . 22 

Mikadoisni  and  Shinto 31 

The  Mikado  as  a INIonk 43 

Seven  Centuries  of  Eclipse 52 

Echizen:  The  Farsighted  Re- 
former   67 

Komei:  The  Last  Hermit  Mikado.  79 

The  Childhood  of  Mutsuhito 88 

Steps  Toward  National  Unity.  . . 99 
Attempt  to  Kidnap  the  IMikado.  . . 108 
The  Mikado  Becomes  Emperor.  . .122 

The  Charter  Oath  of  1868 132 

Tokyo:  Exit  Shogun;  Enter 

Mikado 139 

The  God  Becomes  Human 150 

Mutsuhito  Unifies  the  Nation.  . . .166 

vii 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER 

XVIII. 

XIX. 

XX. 

XXI. 


XXII. 

XXIII. 

XXIV. 

XXV. 

XXVI. 

XXVII. 

XXVIII. 

XXIX. 

XXX. 

XXXI. 

XXXII. 

XXXIII. 


PAGE 

Trials  of  the  Young  Emperor.  . . .177 


Feudalism  Swept  Away 188 

Mutsuhito  the  Emancipator 197 

Japan  Seeks  Her  Rights  of 

Sovereignty  206 

The  Nation’s  Face  Toward  the 

West 216 

The  Emperor  in  Public 228 

Confronting  New  Problems 239 

The  Mikado’s  Northern  Journey. 251 

The  New  Mikadoism  Tested 265 

Political  Struggle  and  Evolution . 27 6 

Later  Life  of  the  Emperor 288 

The  Roots  of  the  Quarrel  with 

Russia  291 

The  Mature  Man 299 

The  Family  of  Mutsuhito 312 

The  Emperor  as  Poet 319 

Japan  in  the  Councils  of  the 
World  328 


CHAPTER  I 


A NATION  ON  ITS  KNEES 

At  forty-three  minutes  past  twelve  on  the 
morning  of  July  30,  1912,  Japan’s  greatest 
Emperor  breathed  his  last.  With  him  ended  the 
era  of  Enlightened  Government  (Meiji,  1868- 
1912)  the  most  brilliant  in  the  long  history  of 
the  Empire. 

Mutsuhito,  Man  of  Peace,  was  born  in  Kyoto, 
November  3,  1852,  when  Japan  was  a hermit 
nation,  inhospitable  to  the  rest  of  mankind,  her 
people  numbering  but  30,000,000  and  living  in 
an  area  of  150,000  square  miles.  The  archi- 
pelago of  Riu  Kill  then  paid  tribute  to  China, 
and  except  in  the  southern  part  of  Yezo  the 
knowledge,  interests  and  claims  of  the  Japanese 
nation  as  to  the  northern  isles,  a hundred  or 
more,  were  exceedingly  hazy. 

Nor  had  the  people  at  large  any  dream,  which 
later  so  dazzled  the  nation,  of  Japan’s  glory  ever 
“shining  beyond  the  seas.”  For  seven  centuries 
the  Mikados  had  lived  and  died  in  Kyoto,  with 
little  more  attention  from  the  populace  than  was 
given  to  the  falling  of  the  autumn  leaves  on  the 
distant  mountains,  and  with  much  less  direct 


1 


2 


THE  MIKADO 


honor  than  that  paid  by  multitudes  to  idols  en- 
shrined in  many  a temple.  As  a vague,  myster- 
ious, far  off  potency  the  Mikado  indeed  had  an 
existence,  but  the  man  and  the  institution  of 
Mikadoism  were  subjects  of  serious  interest 
principally  to  those  persons  whose  ambitions  or 
patriotism  led  them  to  consider  him  and  it  as 
forming  the  chief  but  hidden  motor  in  the  engine 
of  state.  As  such  his  person  was  jealously 
guarded,  from  1604  to  1868,  by  the  great  mili- 
tary ruler  or  usurper  in  Yedo,  who  had  sur- 
rounded Kyoto  the  Sacred  City  with  feudal 
barons  who  were  his  own  relatives.  To  the  mass 
of  the  Japanese  the  Mikado  was  a sentiment 
rather  than  a personality.  He  was  traditionally 
the  embodiment  of  things  sacred  by  inheritance 
from  “the  gods.”  The  transcendence  of  the  one 
ruler  in  Kyoto  and  the  immanence  of  the  other 
in  Yedo,— the  former  having  no  force  at  his 
commiand,  while  the  other  held  at  his  beck  and 
call  a mighty  army  of  eighty  thousand  personal 
followers  and  a vast  host  of  feudal  retainers, — 
were  expressed,  as  in  a clear  picture,  by  the  say- 
ing familiar  in  every  home:  “The  Mikado  all 

men  love;  the  Shogun  every  man  fears.”  It  had 
been  forgotten  by  the  people  that  the  Mikado 
had  ever  been  a visible  ruler. 

To  all  this  the  contrast,  during  the  last  days 
of  July,  1912,  was  striking.  On  the  esplanade 
fronting  the  Imperial  Palace,  in  Tokyo,  thous- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


3 


aiids  of  people  were  gathered.  On  their  knees, 
or  bowing  low  in  prayer,  they  pleaded  with  the 
Unseen  Powers  for  the  life  of  their  Emperor, 
INIany  ereeds  were  represented,  but  there  was  hut 
one  heart,  and  one  silence  of  inward  prayer 
uniting  the  Buddhist  priest,  the  devotee  of 
Shinto,  and  the  Christian.  Nothing  like  it  had 
ever  before  been  seen  or  kno^\^l  “Within  the 
Four  Seas.” 

Yet  this  gathering  in  Tokyo,  at  once  spontan- 
eous and  prophetic,  was  hut  the  type  of  many 
such  all  over  the  land.  Congregations  of  hun- 
dreds and  thousands,  numbering  in  jill  many 
millions,  were  offering  the  same  prayer.  Even 
in  war  time,  when  little  Japan  had  twice  risen, 
like  the  Syrian  lad  before  the  Philistine,  to  meet 
the  giants,  China  first  and  then  Russia,  there  had 
been  no  such  unity  of  thought  and  purpose. 
Within  the  Forbidden  Enclosure  native  men  of 
science,  trained  in  the  best  transoceanic  schools 
of  medicine,  were  at  or  near  the  Imperial  bed- 
side. Bulletins  issued  from  the  palace  to  the 
public  like  minute  guns.  A strange  contrast 
with  the  past,  for  in  the  days  when  Japan  was 
hermit,  death  might  come  to  the  ruler  and  be 
concealed  from  the  public  for  days,  weeks,  or 
months ! 

Ancient  myth  told  how,  in  ages  unwritten,  the 
Imperial  spirit  turned  into  a white  bird  and 
soared  into  the  heavens.  Many  a mother,  even  in 


4 


THE  MIKADO 


the  modem  Japan  of  eleetricity  and  steam, 
gathered  her  ehildren  at  night  around  the  floor 
hearth  to  tell  them  the  story  of  these  ancient 
burial  mounds,  whence  the  new  embodiment  in 
snow  white  wings  emerged,  and  not  a few  fathers 
recalled  the  day  when  Jun-shi,  or  “dying  with  the 
master,”  was  a flxed  custom.  They  told  solemnly 
how  around  the  mausoleum  of  the  ancient  Em- 
perors, or  Ministers  of  State,  servants  or  retain- 
ers were  buried  alive ; and  then  how  in  the  advance 
of  more  humane,  albeit  artistic  civilization,  clay 
figures  took  the  place  of  living  men.  But  all 
such  things  were  in  the  far  past.  None  suspected 
that  any  element  other  than  the  long  sweep  of 
centuries  would  divide  these  customs  from  the 
death  of  the  great,  broad  minded  Emperor  in  the 
era  of  Enlightened  Civilization,  when  suddenly 
like  a lightning  flash  out  of  the  unclouded  sky, 
fell  the  news  of  a great  hero’s  suicide.  Nogi, 
leader  of  the  Ninth  Division  of  the  army,  com- 
posed chiefly  of  the  famed  Echizen  troops,  the 
winner  of  Port  Arthur,  unquailing  soldier,  most 
loyal  servant  of  the  Emperor,  white  flower  of 
Bushido,  had  gone  to  join  his  master.  With  like 
unquailing  nerve  the  true  Samurai  woman,  his 
wife,  simultaneously  with  her  husband  bade  fare- 
well to  earth.  In  strict  faithfulness  to  the  pro- 
prieties, with  intention  as  clear  as  the  dew,  they 
left  this  world.  In  manifold  ways,  and  spectacu- 
lar, sad  and  startling,  with  the  demise  of  Japan’s 
great  Emperor  blended  the  old  and  the  new. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


Tlius  fitly  closed  the  era  of  JNleiji,  or  Enlight- 
ened Civilization.  The  name  was  taken  from  two 
words,  each  expressed  by  an  ideograph,  from  a 
noble  line  in  the  Chinese  classics,  and  meaning 
respectively  “hght”  and  “rule.”  The  Occidental 
alien  is  apt  to  conceive  of  this  new  era,  during 
which  so  many  wonders  have  been  wrought,  as 
beginning  with  the  arrival  of  the  American 
squadron  sent  by  President  Fillmore  in  1853. 
But  the  year  periods  of  Japan  are  measured 
from  the  beginning  of  each  Emperor’s  reign  and 
Mutsuhito  was  “crowned”  and  “ascended  the 
throne”  on  October  12,  1868,  the  new  era  being 
named  eleven  days  later.  Fifteen  years  of  inter- 
nal commotion  and  reconstructive  force  were 
necessary  between  the  advent  of  Perry  and  the 
transformation  of  the  old  into  the  new  Japan. 

Then  began  a brilliant  era,  during  which  the 
Japanese  became  a new  nation.  Besides  internal 
political  metamorphosis,  the  glory  of  Nippon 
“shone  beyond  the  seas”  and  the  dream  of  ages, 
the  vision  of  a few,  became  a reality  for  all.  Hav- 
ing taken  her  place  among  the  great  Powers  of 
the  world,  Japan  in  the  twentieth  century  had  be- 
come the  Land  of  the  Risen  Sun.  Her  place  in 
the  councils  of  the  nations  was  sure.  IMutsuhito 
wore  the  decorations  of  the  great  sovereigns  of 
Europe  and  died  a Knight  of  the  Garter.  His 
brocade  Sun  Banner  hung  in  Windsor  Castle’s 
chapel,  while  the  President  of  the  greatest  repub- 


a 


THE  MIKADO 


lie,  breaking  all  preeedents  and  beginning  a new 
order  of  things,  sent  the  highest  offieer  in  his 
Cabinet  aeross  the  Paeifie  to  express  the  sorrow 
and  sympathy  of  the  Ameriean  people  at  the 
bier  of  Great  Japan’s  greatest  ruler. 

What  a wonderful  era  was  that  of  Meiji! 
Greater  than  the  humiliation  of  China,  with  the 
peaee  indemnity  that  enabled  Japan  to  acquire 
a resistless  navy,  and,  by  commanding  the  seas,  to 
humble  Russia  also,  were  Japan’s  victories  of 
peace. 

First  of  all  and  among  the  greatest  of  the  moral 
glories  of  Meiji  was  the  uplift  to  citizenship  of 
a million  outcasts.  To-day  they  and  their  sons, 
under  the  battle  flag,  or  in  peaceful  toil,  honor  the 
nation  by  their  patriotism  and  industry.  In  the 
forefront  of  a thousand  political  reforms  were 
the  abolition  of  duarchy,  vindication  of  the  su- 
premacy of  the  Mikado,  the  ownership  of  the 
soil  by  its  tillers,  the  sweeping  away  of  feudalism, 
the  abolishing  of  old  abuses,  the  transformation 
of  Japan,  both  in  its  main  features  and  in  a 
myriad  details,  into  a modern  State.  Crowning 
all  was  the  superb  national  Constitution  of  1889, 
with  its  limitation  of  the  prerogative  of  the 
Throne,  separation  of  Church  and  State,  the 
granting  of  freedom  of  conscience  and  the  elec- 
toral franchise,  with  blessings  innumerable  to  the 
people. 

How  did  all  this  come  about?  Even  to-day 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


there  are  some  who  think  that  the  coming  of 
Perry,  like  a magician’s  wand,  wrought  the  trans- 
formation. In  America  and  Europe,  sensation 
mongers  still  deem  the  Japanese  mind  “un- 
fathomable.” They  wonder  how  such  things  as 
Nogi’s  suicide  could  take  place,  or  that  the 
Mikado’s  generals  and  admirals  could  win  vic- 
tories without  an  aftermath  of  personal  squabbles 
and  courtmartial  trials.  It  seems  to  be  a neces- 
sity to  the  mystery  peddlers  and  the  money- 
makers to  keep  alive,  on  the  stage  and  in  popular 
fiction  the  pirrely  literary  legend  of  “the  Orien- 
tal,” as  if  he  were  a creature  different  from  “the 
Occidental.” 

Two  centuries  before  Perry  arrived  the  great 
intellectual  movement  among  scholars  and  think- 
ers had  begun  to  leaven  the  nation  and  prepare 
it  for  the  mighty  change  of  1868.  Perry,  or 
rather  President  Fillmore,  did  but  add  the  tiny 
morsel  to  a supersaturated  solution,  which  in- 
stantly crystallized  to  solidity.  The  President’s 
action  only  accelerated  what  was  in  potency 
already  proceeding.  Far  more  impressive  to  the 
scholarly  imagination  than  even  the  contrast 
which  the  theatre  board  or  the  uninformed  edi- 
torial writer  can  show,  was  that  moment  when  the 
native  scholar  Mabuchi,  who  after  a long  life  died 
in  1769,  resigned  his  office  and  emoluments  to 
give  himself  to  research,  making  the  revelations 
of  history  and  starting  the  great  line  of  influences 
which  ultimately  made  Japan  a new  nation. 


CHAPTER  II 


JAPAN’S  SECRET  OF  POWER 

This  spectacle  of  a nation  on  its  knees,  with 
hearts  stirred  to  the  depths,  suggests  both  politics 
and  religion,  the  past  and  the  future,  the  root  and 
the  blossom.  What  is  the  secret  of  Japanese 
unity  and  power?  What  is,  what  will  be,  the  poli- 
tical morality  of  modern  Japan  in  international 
affairs  ? Will  the  nation  in  the  coming  years  have 
a spiritual  rebirth,  as  she  has  already  undergone 
material  transformation? 

Until  “a  cycle  of  Cathay”  ago — that  is,  sixty 
years — events  in  the  Far  East  attracted  but  lan- 
guid attention  from  Occidentals,  for  the  Asian 
peoples  were  for  the  most  part  hermits.  Their 
one  word  to  outsiders  was  “Keep  off.”  In 
Siberia  tigers  were  shot  in  virgin  forests  where 
cities  now  teem.  Korea’s  coast  was  desolated  to 
starve  out  invaders.  Japan  was  a sleejjing 
Thornrose.  China  recognized  none  of  her  peo- 
ple abroad,  and  wished  nothing  to  do  with  them 
or  the  aliens.  To  the  Central  Empire  humanity 
outside  was  made  up  of  neglected  recluses  or 
cowering  vassals  or  distant  barbarians. 

Even  after  Japan  had  entered  the  world’s 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


9 


social  life  the  alien’s  blinchiess  to  her  real  poten- 
cies was  amazing.  In  1872  I asked  an  English 
editor  at  Yokohama,  long  resident  in  the  East, 
as  to  the  profit  of  studying  Japanese  native  his- 
tory. With  a wave  of  the  hand,  he  dismissed  the 
whole  subject  with  the  ejaculation:  “Clan 

fights.”  I remarked  that  there  was  more  than 
foreigners  might  imagine.  “No,”  said  he,  “as 
one  bucket,  which  a single  cow  could  drain  at  a 
draught.”  Nevertheless  for  over  forty-five 
years  I have  found  that  the  study  of  Japanese 
history  reveals  new  deeps  and  brings  fresh 
surprises. 

Ignorance  in  America  was  equally  dense  and 
perception  not  less  obtuse.  The  Japanese  were 
assoeiated  with  the  laundry  shop  and  hair  tails. 
Even  the  more  aesthetic,  who  admired  the  unques- 
tioned proofs  of  taste  and  refinement,  answered 
my  plea  for  respect  of  their  political  abilities 
thus:  “Oh,  no,  the  Japanese  are  an  interesting 

people,  but  now  that  they  have  opened  their 
country  they  will  soon  go  to  pieces.” 

But  they  did  not.  Crossing  all  seas  and  visit- 
ing all  lands,  they  saw  what  other  nations  and 
eivilizations  could  teach.  Selecting,  rejecting, 
they  put  all  things  to  proof.  The  alien  wanted 
dollars  and  the  Japanese  were  ready  to  buy. 
Material  resources  being  most  needed  and  imme- 
diately at  hand,  they  first  armed  themselves. 
Thej’^  learned  from  the  West  the  words,  though 


10 


THE  MIKADO 


they  knew  their  reality  already,  that  “self-preser- 
vation is  the  first  law  of  nature.”  They  needed 
sure  defence  against  sham  Christianity,  for  they 
were  not  at  one  with  the  European  notions 
about  inheriting  the  earth  and  commanding  the 
seas.  The  world  wanted  Japanese  tea,  silk,  cop- 
per, tobacco,  porcelain  and  lacquer.  Selling 
these,  the  Mikado’s  people  bought  the  best  rifles, 
artillery,  battleships  and  hospital  gear.  Trade 
went  on  merrily. 

Yet  during  all  the  years  of  traffic  their  feelings 
were  hurt.  They  hated  the  name  “Quaint 
Japan.”  They  said  to  themselves:  “Why  do 

these  Western  people  admire  us  for  that  of  which 
we  are  not  proud?  Of  our  finest  art,  our  litera- 
ture, our  civilization,  our  moral  stamina,  our 
refinement,  our  codes  of  honor  and  ethics,  the 
real  secrets  of  our  strength,  they  seem  totally 
ignorant.  Only  here  and  there  do  we  find  a man 
who  knows  anything  of  our  past,  sees  the  true 
line  of  our  advance  or  suspects  our  real  ambi- 
tions. They  do  not  want  us  to  rise,  and  they  say 
so.  So  let  us  hold  back  the  robber  hand  and 
give  the  aliens  a lesson.  If  they  will  not  receive 
us  for  what  we  really  are,  in  our  Land  of  Great 
Peace,  we  shall  force  them  to  respect  us  in  war. 
Both  contemptuous  China  and  aggressive  Rus- 
sia shall  know  our  courage  and  power.” 

Wlien,  in  1880,  the  Central  Empire,  violating 
a solemn  agreement,  insulted  her  island  neighbor. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


11 


by  shelving  the  treaty  eoneerning  the  Looehoo 
(Riu  Kiu)  Islands,  whieh  had  been  proposed 
and  negotiated  at  the  instance  of  General  Grant, 
Japan  pocketed  the  insult  and  waited.  When  in 
1894  China  again  trampled  on  treaty  stipulations 
concerning  Korea,  Japan  went  to  war.  Within 
six  weeks  the  sea  power  of  the  Central  Empire 
and  her  only  disciplined  soldiery  were  annihi- 
lated. Then,  after  Japan  had  scattered  military 
mobs,  exploded  the  bubble  of  China’s  military 
reputation,  conquered  an  area  larger  than  her  own 
territory  and  was  on  her  way  to  Peking,  hostile 
Europe  woke  up.  Three  of  the  mightiest  nations, 
Russia,  Germany  and  France,  joined  forces  to 
block  Japanese  ambition  on  the  Asian  mainland. 
The  islanders  yielded,  but  the  shattered  Chinese 
dogma  of  universal  sovereignty  was  removed 
from  the  world’s  politics  forever.  By  her  might 
in  war  Japan  had  won  the  world’s  respect. 

When  in  1900  China’s  barbarism  burst  into 
eruption,  and  the  legations  of  the  civilized  world 
in  Peking  were  imperilled  by  a riotous  mob  called 
“the  Boxers”  Japan  saved  the  situation.  All 
the  allies,  except  the  Americans  under  Admiral 
Kempff,  made  war  on  a peaceful  Power,  by  at- 
tacking the  Taku  forts.  The  Chinese  dragon, 
stiffening  its  back  for  once,  accepted  the  chal- 
lenge of  the  unjust,  and  China’s  regular  troops, 
goaded  to  resistance,  now  for  the  first  time 
active  in  offence,  held  Tientsin.  By  superior 


12 


THE  MIKADO 


forces,  totalling  nearly  21,000  men,  quickly 
landed,  and  by  the  astonishing  efficiency  of  every 
arm  of  her  military  service,  Japan  held  the  van 
in  the  march  to  Peking.  Had  not  Russia  jeal- 
ousy prevented,  the  Japanese,  unaided,  could 
have  relieved  the  legations  within  twenty  days. 

In  1904,  thrice  armed  because  her  quarrel  was 
just,  Japan  challenged  the  idea  of  a Russian 
Manchuria,  which  meant  also  a Russian  Korea — 
whieh  no  man  born  of  a Japanese  woman  could 
endure  without  a fight  to  the  death.  The  national 
public  schools,  incarnated  in  an  army,  smote 
ignorance  on  the  war  field  and  won.  Russia 
gladly  made  peace. 

Japan  has  won  the  admiration  of  the  world 
and  also  the  applause  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
nations  by  her  political  stability,  elasticity  and 
power.  Duarchy  and  feudalism  are  deep  in  the 
ooze  of  oblivion.  Exaetly  one  century  after  the 
Philadelphia  instrument  of  1789,  Japan’s  writ- 
ten Constitution  of  1889  guaranteed  liberal  poli- 
tical rights  to  persons  and  conscienee.  This 
supreme  law  of  the  land,  higher  even  than  the 
Emperor’s  will,  has  in  its  working  passed  the 
stage  of  experiment.  Old  privileges  abolished, 
all  lines  of  promotion  are  open  to  the  people. 
Once  there  was  “a  nation  within  a nation”  and 
authority  was  divided,  so  old  and  strong  had  been 
privilege  and  custom.  Now  one  nation,  of  over 
fifty  million  souls,  is  linked  to  the  Throne  in 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


13 


unsurpassed  loyalty.  Now  all  unite  in  one  ambi- 
tion, to  make  Japan  great.  At  home  or  abroad 
the  native,  intensely  patriotic  and  ambitious,  is 
resolved  to  raise  his  country  to  the  equal  of  the 
world’s  best. 

A proser  in  patience  and  work,  the  son  of 
Nippon  is  a sentimentalist  at  heart.  Japanese 
confess  freely  their  debt  to  Cathay — witness  the 
superb  “Chinese  Portal”  at  Nikko — and  to  six- 
teenth century  Europe,  as  well  as  to  the  modern 
Occident.  Nor  is  gratitude  an  unknown  trait 
among  them.  They  have  raised  memorials  to 
Seihold,  to  Commodore  Perry,  to  Townsend 
Harris,  to  “Verbeck  of  Japan,”  to  General 
Meckel,  who  taught  them  strategy  and  tactics 
and,  in  one  form  or  another,  to  scores  of  their 
British  and  Continental  teachers.  They  have 
awarded  decorations  to  half  a thousand  aliens, 
half  being  Americans.  Great  have  been  the 
meetings  in  Tokyo  presided  over  by  native 
statesmen  and  educators  to  express  their  indebt- 
edness to  American  diplomatists,  teachers,  mis- 
sionaries, and  experts  in  every  line  of  human 
achievement.  It  is  absurd  to  ascribe  the  progress 
of  Japan  exclusively  to  forces  within  or  without. 
Rather  is  it  true  that  the  best  powers  of  the 
Orient  and  the  Occident  have  here  coalesced. 

Yet  great  as  are  these  external  influences  there 
seems  but  one  answer  that  crystallizes  the  history 
of  the  Japanese  and  reveals  as  through  a lens 


14 


THE  MIKADO 


their  hopes  for  the  future:  Mikadoisiii.  Stand- 
ing as  a portal  to  the  national  Constitution  of 
1889  is  this  declaration: 

“The  Empire  of  Japan  shall  be  reigned  over 
and  governed  by  a line  of  Emperors  unbroken 
for  ages  eternal.” 


CHAPTER  III 


THE  STATE  OR  ANCESTORS? 

The  Mikado  is  the  living  symbol  of  all  that 
is  glorious  in  the  history  of  Everlasting  Great 
Japan.  He  expresses  to  the  sons  of  Nippon 
whatever  is  dearest  in  the  present  and  aiispieious 
in  the  future.  He  incarnates  history  and  reli- 
gion. His  person  embodies  the  nation’s  memory 
and  the  people’s  hope. 

But  who,  politically,  are  “the  people”?  lye- 
yasu  (1542-1616),  greatest  of  all  Japan’s  states- 
men in  the  past,  who  gave  to  the  land  more  than 
two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  peace  (1604- 
1868),  declared  that  “the  people  are  the  founda- 
tion of  the  Empire.” 

In  1912  a fierce  controversy  raged  among  the 
intellectuals  of  the  Imperial  University  in  Tokyo, 
as  to  whether  the  Emperor  created  the  State  or 
was  himself  the  creation  of  the  State.  Against 
an  ecstatic  conception  of  loyalty  was  set  the  truth 
of  history.  The  Japanese  are  supposed  to  be, 
like  the  Chinese,  an  old  nation ; but  they  are  not. 
They  talk  of  their  “twenty-five  hundred  years  of 
history”  as  foolishly  and  as  baselessly  as  the 
Koreans  do  of  their  “four  thousand.”  As  well 


15 


16 


THE  MIKADO 


may  one  date  the  achievements  of  Thor,  or  Cin- 
derella, as  to  accept  the  Tokyo  chronology, 
which  was  officially  manufactured  m 1872.  Then 
were  the  “ages  eternal”  mapped  and  made  ortho- 
dox by  fiat. 

The  islanders  of  Nippon  came  into  history 
about  the  same  time  with  the  Germanic  nations 
of  northern  Europe,  and  are  no  older.  Until  the 
sixth  century  there  were  various  tribes  of  diverse 
origins  and  of  several  ethnic  stocks  in  the  archi- 
pelago, Ayran,  Semitic,  Malay,  Negrito,  Mongo- 
lian, Tartar  and  Ainu;  but  these  had  no  common 
bond  of  union  or  even  knowledge  of  each  other. 
There  was  then  no  more  a Japanese  than  an 
English  people. 

Like  all  great  nations  the  Japanese  are  a com- 
posite of  various  stocks.  The  ancestral  homes  of 
the  various  tribes  bad  been  in  both  continental 
and  insular  Asia,  in  Tartary,  Korea,  Formosa 
and  the  southern  Pacific  islands;  while  in  the 
northern  half  of  Hondo  and  in  Yezo  dwelt  the 
Emishi,  or  the  Ainu,  whose  characteristics  and 
language  point  to  their  being  a branch  of  the 
Aryan  familj^  At  the  base  the  Japanese  are  as 
truly  a “white”  as  they  are  a “yellow”  race. 

About  the  same  time  that  our  Teutonic  fathers, 
unlettered  and  savage,  came  into  contact  with  the 
Romans  the  tribes  of  Nippon  entered  definitely 
into  relations  with  the  Koreans  and  Chinese,  who 
were  the  lettered  and  civilized  peoples  of  eastern 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


17 


Asia.  Borrowing  as  much  in  the  sixth  century 
as  in  the  nineteenth,  these  islanders  became  inher- 
itors of  a civilization  which  had  already  blended 
the  ideals  of  India  and  China,  and  whose  tran- 
scendent superiority  was  at  once  manifest. 

Herein  lay  the  vast  difference.  The  Germanic 
tribes  came  into  collision  with  a grand  civilization 
in  its  decay.  Receiving  its  culture,  they  hastened 
its  destruction.  The  Germanic  peoples  made 
Latin  the  basis  of  their  law  and  theology,  but, 
retaining  their  vernacular,  they  built  their  own 
institutions  and  developed  their  life  from  within. 
The  Roman  Empire  was  but  a temporary  model. 
They  refused  to  rewi’ite  their  ancestral  story  in 
the  terms  of  Tacitus  or  Thucydides,  and  rejected 
the  cult  of  Venus  or  Jupiter.  Their  poetry, 
legend  and  folklore  were  left  untouched  in  the 
ancestral  tongue  and  in  time  tlieir  thoughts  and 
aspirations  found  a voice  in  their  own  cultivated 
poetry  and  prose.  Only  the  priest  and  monk 
Latinized  their  speech  and  writing.  For  centur- 
ies, during  their  political  evolution,  the  northern 
nations  of  Europe  preserved  external  unity 
through  the  dogma  and  ritual  prescribed  at 
Rome. 

With  the  Asiatic  islanders  something  entirely 
different  occurred.  One  tribe,  or  group  of  tribes, 
became  dominant  in  Japan,  giving  the  archi- 
pelago political  unity,  largely  by  means  of  dogma 
superimposed  upon  the  aborigines  by  force  of 


18 


THE  MIKADO 


arms.  Their  simple  ancestral  cult,  when  made  an 
engine  of  state,  ensured  uniformity  of  adminis- 
tration. Then  they  proceeded  not  only  to  wipe 
out  the  varied  tribal  histories  but  to  cover  up  all 
linguistic  differences,  in  the  interests  of  central- 
ized monarchy,  by  the  revolutionary  measures  of 
A.D.  645.  The  primeval  names  of  mountains, 
rivers,  places  and  even  of  persons  were  concealed 
or  made  unrecognizable  by  the  use  of  official 
Chinese  characters.  The  appeal  of  these  ideo- 
graphs to  the  eye  and  the  method  of  their  pro- 
nunciation made  everything  on  the  map  seem 
uniformly  “Japanese.”  Both  politics  and  reli- 
gion combined  in  this  process.  Buddhism,  with 
its  literary  veneer  of  Chinese  on  everything,  has 
been  even  more  powerful  than  the  Government 
in  the  making  of  the  Japanese  people.  Shut  off 
from  the  continent  as  they  were,  within  an  archi- 
pelago in  the  distant  seas,  the  process  of  assimi- 
lating many  tribes  into  uniformity  was  as  easy 
and  the  residts  were  as  thoroughgoing  as  in 
Britain. 

The  vast  element  of  difference  in  the  exper- 
iences of  the  early  Nipponese  and  of  the  Teutonic 
tribes  was  that  the  former,  isolated  islanders,  were 
far  more  likely  to  come  under  one  political  influ- 
ence and  organization  in  order  to  make  one 
nation,  than  were  the  northern  nations  on  the 
European  continent. 

The  Teutonic  peoples,  on  the  contrary,  mi- 


INSTITUTION  AND  TEllSON 


19 


grated  widely.  Separated  by  mountains,  rivers 
and  morasses,  they  wrought  their  different  des- 
tinies under  varying  conditions,  their  one  bond 
of  visible  unity  being  the  Christianity  represented 
by  Rome.  But  the  Nipponese,  instead  of  con- 
fronting a decaying  civilization,  came  first  in 
contact  with  the  Chinese  system,  when  in  the 
noontide  of  its  glory  under  the  Tang  dynasty 
(A.D.  618-905).  The  European  barbarians 
were  not  so  overawed  as  to  borrow  wholesale  and 
preserve  almost  intact,  as  were  the  islanders  who 
became  the  intellectual  bond  servants  of  China. 
The  Teutonic  peoples  despised,  rejected  and 
finally  destroyed  Roman  civilization.  The  Nip- 
ponese for  a thousand  years  glorified  China  as 
the  mother  of  all  nations  and  made  her  civilization 
their  standard  of  perfection. 

The  lines  of  evolution  in  the  Far  East  and  in 
the  Far  West  were  still  further  differentiated. 
In  their  social  organization,  the  clan  or  family 
being  the  unit,  the  islanders  were  communal. 
They  first  borrowed  from  China  and  then  re- 
tained ancestor  worship.  The  Teutons  were 
individualistic.  In  the  West  personality  was  cul- 
tivated in  the  intensest  degree,  in  the  East  it  was 
annihilated  in  institutions.  Individuality,  the 
glory  of  the  Anglo-Saxon,  was  the  bane  of  the 
Nipponese.  All  language,  art,  custom,  history 
in  the  West  show  the  spirit  of  individuality.  The 
East,  with  its  communal  civilization,  smothered 


20 


THE  MIKADO 


this  feeling  and  made  the  clan  or  the  family  the 
unit.  The  individual  is  nothing;  the  dynasty, 
the  commune  is  everything.  The  structure  of  the 
Japanese  family  is  abhorrent  to  Western  ideas. 
In  the  social  systems  of  the  West  adoption  is  a 
rare  episode,  an  exception.  In  the  Far  East  it 
is  the  general  custom,  so  that  even  the  modern 
codes  are  gorged  with  the  details  of  a system  dis- 
tinctly lower  and  most  worthily  despised  in  the 
West. 

In  a word,  the  old  Far  East,  building  its  polity 
on  ancestor  worship,  faced  the  past  to  find  the 
golden  age,  allowing  the  graveyard  and  ghosts  to 
tyrannize  over  the  living.  The  West  long  ago 
heard  the  call  to  “let  the  dead  past  bury  its  dead,” 
and  dropped  ancestor  worship  as  a clog  to  pro- 
gress. To  the  West  it  was,  as  it  still  is  to  China 
and  Japan,  a fountain  of  moral  pollution.  The 
eyes  of  the  Occident  are  ever  presented  to  the 
front  and  future.  “Forward”  is  the  watchword. 
In  the  Orient  the  dogma  that  “devotion  to  an- 
cestors is  the  mainspring  of  all  virtues”  is  the 
false  doctrine  ever  preached.  In  the  Occident 
consecration  to  the  bettering  of  descendants  is 
the  supreme  motor  that  secures  progress.  Nogi 
commits  suicide  to  follow  his  Master  in  death. 
Lincoln,  at  Gettysburg,  facing  the  future, 
charges  the  living  to  continue  the  work  left 
undone. 

In  promulgating  the  Constitution  in  1889 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


21 


Mutsiihito  said:  “That  We  have  been  so  for- 

tunate in  Our  reign  in  keeping  with  the  tendency 
of  the  times  as  to  accomplish  this  work  We  owe 
to  the  Glorious  Spirit  of  the  Imperial  Founder 
of  Our  House  and  Our  Other  Imperial  Ances- 
tors.” It  was  an  empty  concession  to  ancient 
form.  Mutsuhito  had  departed  far  from  the  ways 
of  his  forefathers. 


CHAPTER  IV 


“UNBROKEN  FOR  AGES  ETERNAL” 

Japan  claims  the  world’s  oldest  unbroken  line 
of  rulers.  In  the  Emperor’s  state  documents, 
using  the  imperial  “We,”  he  ealls  attention  to  his 
own  heavenly  descent  and  ascribes  ineffable  vir- 
tue to  his  predecessors.  The  preamble  to  the 
Constitution,  issued  in  1889,  reads: 

“Having  by  virtue  of  the  glories  of  Our  Ances- 
tors ascended  the  Throne  of  a lineal  succession 
unbroken  for  ages  eternal;  desiring  to  promote 
the  welfare  of  and  to  give  development  to  the 
moral  and  intellectual  faculties  of  Our  beloved 
subjects,  the  very  same  that  have  been  favored 
with  the  benevolent  care  and  affectionate  vigi- 
lance of  Our  Ancestors;  and  hoping  to  maintain 
the  prosperity  of  the  State,  in  concert  with  Our 
People  and  with  their  support.  We  hereby  pro- 
mulgate, in  pursuanee  of  Our  Imperial  Rescript, 
of  the  12th  day  of  the  10th  month  of  the  14th 
year  of  Meiji  [1882]  a fundamental  law  of  state, 
to  exhibit  the  prineiples  by  which  We  are  to  be 
guided  in  Our  conduet,  and  to  point  out  to  what 
Our  descendants  and  Our  subjects  and  their  de- 
scendants are  forever  to  conform. 


22 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


2S 


“The  rights  of  sovereignty  of  the  State  We 
have  inherited  from  Our  Ancestors,  and  We  shall 
bequeath  them  to  Our  descendants.  Neither  We 
nor  they  shall  in  the  future  fail  to  wield  them  in 
accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  Constitu- 
tion hereby  granted.” 

Seventeen  articles,  setting  forth  the  place  of 
the  Emperor,  in  law  and  fact,  as  the  fountain  of 
order,  power  and  privilege,  and  as  the  maker  of 
war  and  peace,  form  Chapter  I.  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. His  person  is  sacred  and  inviolable.  He 
combines  “in  himself  the  rights  of  sovereignty 
and  exercises  them  according  to  the  provisions 
of  the  present  Constitution.” 

In  the  declarations  of  war  with  China  in  1894 
and  with  Russia  in  1904  the  same  tone  of  lan- 
guage and  coloring  of  ideas  are  continued.  In 
all  this  there  is  nothing  new.  Such  expressions 
are  in  harmony  with  all  Japanese  literature  and 
with  traditions  at  least  a thousand  years  old. 
In  his  “Commentaries  on  the  Constitution  of  the 
Empire  of  Japan”  Marquis  Ito  reinforces  the 
text. 

In  spite  of  the  brilliance  of  their  modern 
achievements  the  Japanese  are  not  yet  wholly 
out  of  their  intellectual  or  ethical  childhood. 
Little  conception  of  history  as  a science,  apart 
from  their  opinions  and  feelings,  as  yet  exists. 
The  glib  but  utterly  worthless  statements  of  even 
“educated”  Japanese  and  renowned  statesmen 


24. 


THE  MIKADO 


concerning  “their  twenty-five  hundred  years  of 
written  history”  have  as  little  basis  in  literal  fact 
or  contemporaneous  record  as  have  the  tradi- 
tional notions  concerning  early  Hebrew  history, 
long  dominant  in  the  Jewish  and  Christian  world. 
Even  the  Japan  of  the  books,  as  known  in  the 
West,  is  the  Japan  of  the  Samurai;  not  of  the 
great  mass  of  the  people.  Rural  Japan,  that  is, 
nine-tenths  of  all,  is  yet  unknown. 

It  was  about  the  opening  of  the  fifth  Christian 
century  that  Chinese  culture  began  to  filter  into 
Japan,  causing  a profound  revolution  in  the 
thoughts  and  habits  of  the  islanders,  giving  them 
a new  mental  outfit,  and  altogether  accomplish- 
ing a change  as  great  as  that  wrought  in  the 
nineteenth  century.  Yet  not  till  the  eighth  cen- 
tury were  either  annals  or  history  written.  All 
before  that  time  is  prehistoric.  Native  scholars 
now  acknowledge  this. 

The  story  of  Wani  the  Korean  bringing  letters 
to  Japan,  in  A.D.  286,  may  have  some  basis  of 
fact,  but  writing  by  a class,  or  body  of  scribes, 
was  not  practiced  imtil  after  A.D.  552,  for  in- 
stead of  the  dishonest  accuracy  of  the  chroniclers 
of  A.D.  712,  who  filled  up  the  morass  of  ignor- 
ance by  the  manufacture  of  minutely  dated  events 
and  dynasties,  we  have  in  the  records  after  this 
date  an  entire  change  in  atmosphere.  From  the 
fifth  century  sobriety  and  likeness  to  other  his- 
toric records  mark  the  chronological  list  of  Japa- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


25 


nese  Emperors.  In  fact,  the  tal)le  of  jNIikado 
sovereigns* — the  first  seventeen,  of  exceedingly 
long  life,  being  clearly  mythical — begins  to  look 
wonderfully  human  and  actual.  After  Nintoku, 
who  reigned  A.D.  313-399,  no  Emperor  reached 
the  age  of  100,  nor  even  that  of  90,  and  only  two 
the  age  of  80.  The  days  of  thirteen  of  them  were 
“three  score  years  and  ten.”  During  the  second 
period,  in  the  Middle  Ages,  many  short  reigns  of 
infants  and  little  people  of  the  nursery,  puppets 
of  the  politicians,  are  noted,  some  lasting  less  than 
a year. 

In  our  list  of  124  Mikados,  which  includes 
Queen  Jingu,  whom  some  Japanese  authors  do 
not  admit,  “she  having  never  been  crowned  or 
formally  declared  Empress  by  investiture  with 
the  regalia  of  sovereignty,”  mirror,  crystal  sphere, 
and  sword,  are  nine  female  sovereigns,  the  last 
being  Go-Sakuramachi  (A.D.  1763-1770). 

What  kind  of  rulers  were  these  first  JNIikados, 
kings  of  men,  in  the  divine  or  prehistoric  age, 
before  the  tremendous  transforming  influences  of 
Buddhism,  or  of  the  Chinese  ethical,  political  and 
legal  systems  or  the  institutions  of  feudalism  were 
known  in  Japan? 

All  the  evidence  points  to  the  fact  that  during 
this  thousand  years  of  unrecorded  time,  a great 
void  which  tradition  fills  so  courageously  and 

* See  the  entire  list,  with  dates  of  reign  and  age  at  death,  in 
“The  Mikado’s  Empire,”  p.  123. 


26 


THE  MIKADO 


cunningly,  with  an  accuracy  which  is  self-dam- 
nable, various  raees  of  people  in  the  arehipelago 
strove  for  the  mastery.  Craniologists  deelare 
that  no  skull  Imown  to  mankind  shows  greater 
evidences  of  mixture  of  many  etimic  stocks.  Ex- 
actly who  and  what  these  various  tribes  were,  no 
man  ean  now  say  with  certainty.  The  Japanese, 
made  up  of  four  races,  Aryan,  Malay,  Semitie 
and  Tartar,  are  still  in  search  of  their  first  anees- 
tors,  as  they  are  of  a religion.  That  they  were 
fishermen  and  hunters  living  in  the  stone  age  is 
eertain.  Gradually  the  house  or  tribe  of  Yamato 
in  central  Japan  became  paramount.  Like  that 
of  old  Rome  it  was  composite,  many  tribes  form- 
ing one.  Sending  out  expeditions  to  the  far  east 
and  north,  the  Mikadoists  gradually  brought  the 
other  tribes  under  the  sway  of  their  chiefs. 

By  the  might  not  only  of  superior  weapons  but 
of  intellect  the  Yamato  men  wrought  progress, 
eonquering  by  Shinto,  that  is,  theology,  as  well  as 
with  iron.  Seen  through  offieial  spectaeles,  the 
eonquerors’  ancestors  came  from  “Heaven.” 
They  were  a divine  race  sprung  from  the  “gods,” 
while  those  subdued  were  earthborn  and  therefore 
ordained  to  subjeetion. 

Japanese  mythology  is  the  veiled  and  poetie 
representation  of  centuries  of  eonfliet  that  estab- 
lished Mikadoism  and  eulture.  Whatever  the 
original  religion  of  the  islanders  the  graft  that 
hides  the  stock  is  JMikadoism.  In  every  Church- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


27 


State  in  which  the  ruler  has  claimed  divine  right 
religion  has  been  made  a political  engine.  To 
challenge  or  criticize  the  Government-made  dog- 
mas means  heresy  and  lese-majesty.  One  who 
doubts  or  calls  for  the  basic  facts  is  not  “sound” 
or  “safe,”  and  the  inquisition,  the  sword  or  the 
synod  may  silence  him.  The  orthodox  Japanese 
is  not  unique  in  abridging  or  minimizing  the  dif- 
ference between  ancient  and  modern  days. 

During  these  early  ages  of  J apan  the  chief,  or, 
as  seen  through  modern  lenses,  the  “Emperor,” 
was  a warrior  leading  his  host,  accustomed  to  toil 
and  the  hardships  of  a soldier.  The  conquered 
tribes  were  made  obedient,  by  as  good  a govern- 
ment, perhaps,  as  the  times  allowed.  Leading 
men  of  the  dominant  tribe  married  the  daughters 
of  the  subdued  people.  The  general  polity  was  a 
rude  species  of  feudalism  of  the  Chinese  sort,  in 
which  eight  parts  of  the  ground  were  cultivated 
for  the  benefit  of  the  landholder  and  his  serfs,  or 
tenants,  and  one-ninth  for  the  chief  of  the  para- 
mount house. 

From  the  very  first  and  all  along,  language 
bearing  witness  to  the  fact,  the  sense  of  person- 
ality in  Japan  has  been  weak.  Dwelling  close  to 
nature  and  not  as  far  removed  then  as  now  from 
the  old  life  which  they  shared  with  their  fellow 
animals,  the  early  islanders  did  not  distinguish 
clearly  between  Creator  and  creatures,  between 
the  world  and  man.  Millions  of  their  modern 


I 


28 


THE  MIKADO 


descendants  do  not,  even  yet.  Each  human  being 
sank  his  consciousness  in  the  idea  of  the  place,  the 
family,  the  clan,  the  institution.  Along  with  a 
feeble  sense  of  personality  was  the  equally  weak 
perception  of  individuality. 

There  are  historical  reasons  why  Japanese 
nouns  have  neither  gender,  number  nor  case ; why 
verbs  lack  inflections;  why  personification  is  so 
very  rare  in  their  older  literature ; why  mythology 
is  so  abundant  and  why  real  history  is  so  small  in 
quantity  and  poor  in  quality.  The  individual  was 
nothing;  the  tribe,  clan,  community,  everything. 
Even  with  the  modern  codes  of  law,  which  cut 
straight  across  the  grain  of  Japanese  family  life 
and  hereditary  notions,  the  average  native  has 
not  the  full  clear  sense  of  individuality  and  per- 
sonality dominant  in  America.  It  will  be  long 
before  he,  longer  before  the  Chinese  average  man, 
reaches  this  goal,  even  though  his  progress  toward 
it  is  unmistakable. 

The  head  of  the  Yamato  house  had  at  first  no 
title  corresponding  to  any  of  those  verbal  forms 
afterward  borrowed  from  Chinese  imperialism, 
nor  was  there  a nobility  modelled  on  continental 
court  systems.  Buddhist  priests,  much  later  than 
A.D.  552,  invented  many  titles  for  the  chiefs  of 
the  Yamato  tribe,  who  gradually  beeame  a seden- 
tary reeliise.  His  headquarters  were  named  the 
Awful  Place,  or  Mikado,  from  mika,  awful,  and 
do,  place.  Or,  since  in  Japan  the  gateway  is 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


29 


often  as  outwardly  imposing  as  is  the  main  strue- 
ture,  being  the  only  one  which  the  outsider  sees, 
the  term  may  mean  the  Sublime  Porte,  from  mi, 
honorable,  and  kado,  gate  or  door.  In  Hiuga 
province  there  is  a village  named  Mikado. 

In  any  event  it  was  the  place,  the  power,  not 
the  real  person  that  was  considered.  Personality 
was  made  invisible.  The  chief  was  not  spoken  of 
by  his  personal  name.  Even  in  our  day,  it  not 
being  polite  to  utter  it,  the  INIikado’s  name  is 
rarely  mentioned.  He  is  referred  to  by  one  or 
another  of  many  impersonal  titles,  and  Mutsuhito 
the  Great,  now  dead,  is  now  known  as  the  Meiji 
Tenno,  or  Son  of  Heaven  of  the  Era  of  Meiji. 
Even  the  present  Mikado  is  to  millions  less  a per- 
sonality than  a celestial  function.  Most  Japanese 
do  not  inquire  into  details  concerning  him. 
Native  literature  is  almost  silent  concerning 
his  life  as  a man,  yet  the  newer  journalism  has 
broken  many  old  traditions.  The  title  Mikado  is 
not  used  by  modern  Japanese,  the  term  Tenno 
taking  its  place.  Nevertheless  both  history  and 
the  English  language  have  their  rights. 

In  A.D.  645  the  primeval  system  of  chieftain- 
ship, with  the  simple  relation  of  conquerors  and 
vassals,  was  changed  to  a very  elaborate  form  of 
government,  when  Chinese  imperialism,  or  the 
method  of  political  centralization,  was  introduced 
from  beyond  sea  into  Japan.  This  did  away  with 
the  rude,  primitive  feudalism  and  substituted  the 


30 


THE  MIKADO 


method  of  “capital  and  provinces,”  governors 
being  sent  out  from  the  Throne  and  Court  to 
rule  in  the  name  of  the  Mikado.  Even  more  pro- 
foimdly  transforming  in  its  influence  upon  the 
person,  character  and  habits  of  the  nation-chief 
was  Buddhism,  which  came  in  along  with  Chinese 
politics. 


CHAPTER  V 


MIKADOISM  AND  SHINTO 

In  the  Occidental  part  of  the  modern  world 
there  exists  nothing  corresponding  to  Mikadoism, 
which  is  a survival  and  an  anachronism.  Yet  in 
the  Islands  of  the  Risen  Sun  Mikadoism  is  more 
than  Shinto,  for  it  is  older  than  the  State.  There 
was  a Mikado — it  is  absurd  to  speak  of  this 
archaic  figure  as  an  “Emperor”  unless  we  de- 
grade the  ancient  personage  and  institution  to 
the  level  of  a Haytian  “sovereign”  or  an  Iroquois 
chieftain — before  there  was  a Government.  The 
social  order  was  that  of  the  clan.  The  tie  of  rit- 
ual, binding  all,  was  without  a name,  something 
that  “always  had  been.”  That  is  what  Shinto, 
codeless,  ethicless  and  without  dogma,  is  to-day. 

When  this  cult  came  into  the  presence  of  an 
imported  rival,  Buddhism,  that  threatened  its 
existence,  Shinto  for  the  first  time  received  a 
name,  kami  no  miclii,  which  means  the  Rule  of 
the  Superiors,  or  the  Way  of  the  “Gods.”  Using 
the  Chinese  term  expressed  in  Roman  letters,  we 
have  “Shinto,”  but  employing  a Greek  word, 
“theology.”  “Shintoism”  is  both  tautology  and 
hybrid.  Original  Shinto  had  no  mysteries,  dog- 

si 


32 


THE  MIKADO 


mas  or  ethical  codes.  It  was  simply  propriety, 
loyalty,  the  attitude  of  mind  becoming  the  ruled 
in  presence  of  their  rulers,  of  the  subordinates 
before  their  superiors.  In  its  ritual  development 
it  became  the  expression  of  the  aspiring  life.  It 
showed  how  man  felt  in  the  presence  of  the  spirits 
of  the  dead  and  the  powers  mysterious,  for  as 
yet  insular  man  knew  nothing  of  the  infinite,  nor 
dreamed  of  things  metaphysical. 

Dwelling  in  a land  everywhere  rich  in  hot 
springs,  nature  invited  man  to  bathing,  and  clean- 
liness formed  a large  part  of  his  daily  duty. 
Being  an  agriculturalist,  living  alongside  of  hos- 
tile aboriginal  hunters  and  fishermen,  the  devout 
Shintoist  prayed  to  be  clean,  to  avoid  trespass  on 
field,  house  and  neighbor.  He  petitioned  for 
deliverance  from  calamity  out  of  air,  land  or  sea, 
while  invoking  the  fertility  of  his  body  and  the 
soil,  and  rendering  thanks  for  the  products  of 
each.  By  virtue  of  his  relation  to  the  Upper  or 
Superior  Ones,  the  Kami,  all  loyal  tribesmen  of 
Yamato,  or  those  subdued  by  them,  were  Mika- 
doists,  and  hence  Shintoists.  The  term  for  gov- 
ernment, matsurigoto,  or  shrine  visiting,  meant 
also  religion. 

Before  a “Japanese  people”  was  conceived  of 
the  Mikado,  or  head  of  this  “religion,”  social 
organization  or  class  cult,  claimed  no  personal 
moral  superiority  over  his  people,  nor  pretended 
to  look  after  what  later  ages  called  morals.  His 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


33 


life  was  open  to  all,  his  human  faults  were  mani- 
fest. He  made  confession  of  sin  and  defect  like 
his  own  people.  As  life  was  communal  he,  as  the 
head  of  the  clan,  was  in  orthodox  theory  the 
owner  of  the  land,  the  people  and  all  their  pos- 
sessions. Hence  he  prayed  for  them  as  for  his 
own  property.  His  falchion  and  lance  had  come 
to  him  from  Ama,  the  Ancestral  Region  or  “Hea- 
ven,” and  by  these  weapons  he  had  won  the  land. 
Conquest  is  the  basis  of  Shinto  as  a political  force 
and  an  engine  of  state. 

What  he,  the  tribal  chief,  head  of  “Shinto” 
when  this  Chinese  word  and  name  were  still  un- 
known, and  what  he,  as  the  Mikado,  said  in  the 
early  ages,  when  a Japanese  nation  was  forming, 
he  says  now  in  the  Constitution,  according  to 
which  he  summons  or  dissolves  Diets,  declares 
war  or  announces  peace:  “The  rights  of  Sov- 

ereignty of  the  State  we  have  inherited  from  Our 
Ancestors.” 

Shinto  is  not  a religion  in  any  technical  sense. 
It  is  a national  tradition  raised  to  a cult  and  possi- 
ble only  to  islanders.  Then,  as  now,  the  palladia 
of  the  Mikado’s  station  and  rule  were  the  sword, 
emblem  of  conquest;  the  mirror,  emblem  of  the 
spirits  of  his  ancestry ; the  crystal  ball,  symbol  of 
pure  government,  or  flawless  rule. 

Shinto  is  not  a single  form  of  belief,  but  a 
fusion  of  naturism  with  animism,  a composite 
body  of  beliefs.  In  many  respects  the  legends  in 


34 


THE  MIKADO 


the  Kojiki,  Japan’s  most  sacred  scripture,  com- 
posed A.D.  712,*  resemble  closely  those  of  the 
North  American  Indians,  and  in  the  method  of 
forming  their  names,  each  one  a long  sentence  of 
description,  the  ancient  “Japanese”  were  much 
like  the  Iroquois.  The  old  life,  in  the  primitive 
home,  the  ancestral  land  of  Ama  (Tartary?)  and 
the  village  assembly  are  reflected  in  the  “Council 
of  the  Gods”  {kami)  in  Ama,  or  the  High  Plain 
of  Heaven;  that  is,  perhaps  the  very  region  in 
which  Field-Marshal  Oyama  and  his  hosts  won 
victory  in  1905.  In  that  primeval  congress  action 
and  migration  are  decided  upon.  The  whole 
“local  color”  of  many  of  the  earlier  myths  of  the 
Kojiki  is  that  of  ancient  Tartary.  Up  to  this 
point,  in  time  and  space,  the  legends  and  chron- 
icles are  consistent  and  homogeneous. 

With  the  advent  of  the  woman,  Amaterasu,  or 
Heaven  Illuminator  [in  Section  XI]  there  comes 
in  a most  delightful  and  disturbing  influence. 
The  narrative  loses  its  unity,  and  a new  cycle 
of  stories  concerns  this,  the  most  famous  of  the 
Mikado’s  “ancestors.” 

The  direct  product  of  the  myth  maker  is  now 
very  evident.  On  the  story  of  the  continental 
home,  on  the  stock  of  an  immigrant  tribal  tradi- 
tion, is  grafted  a dogma.  On  a body  of  belief 
very  much  like  simple  monotheism,  or  at  least 

* Translated  by  Basil  Hall  Chamberlin,  in  Transactions  of  the 
Asiatic  Society  of  Japan. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


35 


tending  to  it,  we  have  now  a ritual,  pointing 
toward  an  earthly  monareh,  with  festivals  in 
his  honor. 

Evidently  in  the  “Sun  Goddess”  conqueror  and 
conquered  have  fused  their  traditions  and  made 
one  cult,  which  becomes  a highly  developed  sys- 
tem and  coalesces  with  Cliinese  ancestor  worship, 
a new  importation  in  the  islands.  Before  “Shin- 
to,” as  formulated  for  a scheme  of  conquest,  and 
previous  to  borrowing  exotic  ideas  from  China, 
the  primitive  cult  honors  the  clan  and  the  clan’s 
progenitors.  From  the  introduction  of  the 
Chinese  system,  ancestor  worship  becomes  part 
of  family  life  in  the  islands  of  Nippon. 

In  the  forefront  of  the  Kojiki’s  story  we  have 
the  “divine  comedy,”  which  portrays  the  pranks 
of  Susano-o,  the  storm  god;  the  flight  into  the 
cave  of  Amaterasu,  or  the  Heaven  Illuminator; 
the  assembly  of  the  gods,  and  the  dancing  of 
Uzume  before  the  cave  door.  In  this  narrative  is 
discernible  the  origin  of  Japanese  art,  ritual, 
music,  inventions,  and  indeed  most  of  the  rudi- 
ments of  the  island  civilization. 

After  this  comedy  of  the  gods,  or  eclipse  of  the 
sun,  so  often  described  by  modem  writers,  the 
legends  center  round  Idzumo;  not  in  the  south, 
but  in  tbe  west.  These  show  diplomacy  and  com- 
promise, through  which  one  mle  was  exchanged 
for  another.  The  arrangements  between  Ama,  or 
Heaven,  and  Idzumo,  as  to  dynasty,  being  com- 


36 


THE  MIKADO 


pleted,  “the  Sovran  Child”  of  the  sun  goddess 
“descends”  from  Ama,  or  Heaven,  to  earth;  that 
is,  to  “Japan,”  yet  not  to  Idzumo,  but  hundreds 
of  miles  to  the  south,  upon  a mountain  in  Kiu- 
shiu,  between  Satsuma  and  Ozumi.  After  many 
adventures  amid  animal  gods  of  all  sorts,  one 
chief  sets  out  eastward  on  a tour  of  conquest. 

Now  we  hear  of  Yamato,  in  which  reign  the 
conqueror  rules  as  the  first  “Emperor”  of  Japan, 
whose  posthumous  name,  given  fourteen  hundred 
years  after  his  death,  is  Jimmu,  or  Warlike  Spirit. 
Asuka  was  the  classic  spot  in  Yamato,  in  the 
center  of  the  main  island.  Not  till  centuries  after 
Jimmu  do  we  hear  of  the  eastern  region,  where 
Tokyo  lies,  or  of  Korea,  and  not  until  very  late 
of  China.  After  Yamato  we  read  no  more  of 
Ama  or  the  Heavenly  Region,  or  of  the  old  town 
or  tribe  meetings  of  the  myriads  of  hami,  or 
chiefs.  In  a word,  the  primitive  tribal  assemblies 
of  (Tartary?  or)  the  ancestral  home  fall  out  of 
view. 

In  the  new  land  and  under  differing  conditions, 
growing  out  of  the  fusion  of  the  old  and  the  new 
forms  of  conqueror  and  conquered,  arise  the  insti- 
tutions of  “Shinto”  and  the  Mikado.  We  have 
now  a tradition  of  ruler  and  ruled,  liturgies  that 
express  hopes  and  desires,  and  something  like  his- 
tory, that  tells  us  of  the  ruler’s  acts;  in  a word, 
Mikadoism.  We  have  worship  by  the  Mikado 
and  his  chiefs  of  nature  gods,  under  the  idea  that 
these  are  “ancestors.” 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


37 


This  is  not  true  ancestor  worship;  the  early 
Japanese  system  had  no  true  ancestor  worship, 
like  that  of  the  Chinese.  Ancestor  worship  has 
profoundly  influenced  Japanese  laws  and  social 
custom,  yet  is  not  indigenous  but  imported  and 
was  unknown  in  very  ancient  J apan.  The  graft- 
ing of  this  Chinese  idea  upon  the  insular  civiliza- 
tion marked  but  one  of  many  stages  in  the 
evolution  of  the  nation. 

Buddhism,  rather  than  Mikadoism,  educated, 
uplifted  and  made  the  Japanese  “people,”  fos- 
tered their  innate  love  of  art  and  beauty,  gave 
them  their  folklore,  and,  for  the  most  part,  their 
drama  and  literature.  Mikadoism  generated  the 
military,  political  and  unifying  ideas  and  forces 
which  have  made  the  J apanese  a nation  and,  from 
many  tribes,  one  body  politic.  The  role  of  Mika- 
doism has  been  from  the  first  in  the  clan,  that  of 
Buddhism  has  been  in  the  family. 

What  social  order  the  islanders  had  before  the 
seventh  century  was  based  on  the  clan  idea,  not  on 
the  family.  The  clans  were  not  held  by  a true 
blood  tie  but  were  fictitious,  in  that  people  of 
different  bloods,  ethnic  and  tribal  stocks,  were  in 
many  cases  united  under  one  Uji.  Even  in  our 
own  days  two  unrelated  families  in  Japan  may 
coalesce  to  form  one,  making  a “family”  in  the 
eye  of  Japanese  law,  but  not  in  the  Western  or 
Christian  sense.  So,  also,  in  ancient  times,  a clan 
was  not  a body  held  together  by  a blood  tie.  The 


88 


THE  MIKADO 


name,  the  legal  entity,  was  the  main  thing.  One 
after  another  these  clans  were  overcome  by  one 
powerful  family,  the  Soga.  By  the  seventh  cen- 
tury the  Sogas  not  only  controlled  the  ad- 
ministration of  affairs  but  even  threatened  the 
existence  of  the  Mikado,  both  as  a person  and  as 
an  institution. 

There  took  place  in  A.D.  645  a revolution 
which  in  both  its  inner  and  its  outer  aspects  was 
astonishingly  like  that  wrought  by  the  advent  of 
Perry  in  1853  and  the  coup  d'etat  at  Kyoto, 
engineered  by  fifty-five  young  men,  on  January 
3,  1868.  In  both  eras  the  existing  system  was  on 
the  point  of  breaking  down  and  the  country  was 
ready  for  political  revolution.  The  interior  forces 
of  upheaval  were  soon  confronted  with  influences 
from  without.  Native  students  had  been  abroad 
and  “seen  the  world.”  They  came  back  to  Japan 
with  yeast  and  leaven.  They  had  looked  upon 
better  things  and  were  determined  to  have  im- 
provement at  home.  They  and  those  likeminded 
with  them  made,  in  A.D.  645  as  in  Kyoto,  in 
A.D.  1868,  a coup  d'etat.  The  effect,  as  in  the 
’50s  and  ’60s  of  the  nineteenth  century,  was  not 
collision  and  destruction  but  a new  resultant  of 
forces.  These,  in  the  seventh  century,  began  a 
new  “Japan,”  which  was  relatively  as  wonderful 
as  that  we  see  in  the  twentieth  century.  In  effect 
Chinese  ideals,  once  imported,  were  immediately 
turned  into  practical  methods. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


39 


■ Reforms  were  begun  on  paper,  but  the  Gov- 
ernment was  not  consolidated  until  the  ninth  or 
tenth  century.  The  conquests  of  the  Ainu  in  the 
east  and  the  north,  and  of  the  southwestern  tribes 
and  people  of  the  outlying  islands,  were  com- 
pleted only  after  four  hundred  years  of  military 
operations.  These,  followed  by  the  machinery  of 
civil  government,  completed  the  making  of  the 
nation;  or,  shall  we  say,  ended  the  preparation 
for  formal  feudalism  in  the  eleventh  century. 

By  that  time  the  type  of  Mikadoism  that  had 
grown  up  under  the  centralization  system  in  the 
successive  capitals  at  Asuka  (two  places  A.D. 
412-628),  Nara  (A.D.  719-784),  and  Kyoto 
(A.D.  784-1868)  under  a dual  process  made  the 
chief  ruler  a failure  and  government  by  an  exclu- 
sive ring  of  politicians  a farce.  The  policy  of  the 
civilian  Fujiwara  nobles  was  to  exalt  the  occu- 
pant of  the  throne  to  the  “shelf  of  the  blue 
clouds,”  making  him,  or  it,  a “god,”  existent  but 
absentee  from  his  people.  The  ideal  Mikado  of 
the  Buddhist  dogmatist  was  a monk  and  a recluse. 
In  the  modern  list  of  the  128  Imperial  portraits 
we  see  many  shorn  heads.*  In  both  ways  the  liv- 
ing Mikado  became  more  and  more  a shadow,  an 
idea,  an  institution,  and  less  a personality.  Pos- 
sibly the  motive  of  the  Fujiwara  civilians,  who 
hedged  the  Throne,  may  have  been  more  than  that 

* A framed  copy  of  this  official  picture  is  in  the  library  of 
Cornell  University. 


40 


THE  MIKADO 


of  the  officeholder’s  greed  of  power  and  pelf. 
Conservative  precaution,  more  than  personal  am- 
bition, may  have  been  the  riding  idea.  To  make 
the  Mikado  more  and  more  a “god,”  while  he  was 
still  holding  political  power,  may  have  seemed 
dangerous  to  the  State.  Might  not  such  a one 
revolutionize  order  and  custom? 

So,  to  save  the  State,  it  may  be,  the  religious 
aristocracy  separated  the  politician  and  his  sacer- 
dotal functions.  The  Mikado  was  made  more  of 
a “god”  and  less  of  a ruler,  in  order  that  gov- 
ernment might  be  kept  safe  and  sure.  It  is 
certain  that  when  the  military  clans  left  the  field 
in  the  twelfth  century  and  came  to  court, 
exchanging  the  toils  of  the  campaign  for  the 
luxury  of  the  capital,  to  engage  also  in  the  splen- 
did game  of  throne  disposal,  they  did  not  alter 
the  Fujiwara  policy.  They  adopted  it,  but  in 
their  own  selfish  interests.  The  Taira  clan  chiefs, 
deposing  their  rivals,  the  Minamoto,  did  but  rear 
another  and  a higher  ring  fence  around  the 
Mikado,  showing  also  even  a more  shameless 
nepotism  in  filling  offices. 

Then,  under  the  quarrels  of  the  rough  sol- 
diers, the  reds  and  the  white,  Taira  and  Mina- 
moto (in  Chinese,  Genji  and  Heike),  feuds 
broke  out  which  deluged  Japan  with  blood,  the 
Taira  being  annihilated  and  the  Minamoto  be- 
coming supreme.  Having  both  sword  and  purse, 
they  overawed  the  Emperor  and  created  the 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


41 


diiarchy  of  Throne  and  Camp,  with  centers  at 
Kyoto  and  Kamakura,  or,  later,  Yedo.  Under 
the  shadow  of  such  a dual  system,  the  power  and 
life  of  INIikadoism  sank  to  a mythology. 

For  nearly  six  centuries  the  institution  re- 
mained a ghostly  shadow,  until  the  internal 
revolution,  wrought  by  native  thought  and  schol- 
arship and  the  assault  of  Occidental  forces,  once 
more  set  the  ancient  organism  on  a new  plane  of 
evolution.  The  Americans  Perry  and  Harris 
helped  mightily  to  give  Mutsuhito  his  throne. 
The  Restoration  of  1868  made  the  Japanese  peo- 
ple a nation,  in  the  sense  of  both  an  intensity  and 
a plenitude  unknown  before  in  all  their  long 
history. 

Pretenders  to  the  throne  have  not  been  want- 
ing in  Japan,  though  no  commoner,  or  noble,  or 
prince  not  of  Imperial  blood,  ever  attempted  to 
be  a Son  of  Heaven.  The  best  known  of  early 
pretenders  was  Masakado,  of  the  Taira  family. 
This  dissatisfied  officeseeker  departed,  in  A.D. 
930,  to  “the  Far  East,”  in  the  half  savage  region 
of  Yedo  Bay,  governing  as  a Shinno,  or  cadet  of 
the  Imperial  line.  His  reign  was  short,  for  in  the 
year  940  Sadamori,  his  cousin,  slew  him,  cut  off 
his  head  and  brought  it  to  Kyoto,  where  it  was 
exposed  on  the  pillory. 

Calamities,  ascribed  to  the  wrath  of  INIasa- 
kado’s  perturbed  spirit,  followed,  and  to  placate 
the  uneasy  dead  there  was  erected  at  Kanda,  now 


42 


THE  MIKADO 


in  modem  Tokyo,  a shrine  to  the  memory  of  the 
mighty  Pretender.  But  in  1868  the  loyal  troops 
of  the  young  Meiji  Emperor,  well  read  in  the 
writings  of  Rai  Sanyo,  the  interpreter  of  their 
national  story,  and  full  of  hatred  of  all  preten- 
ders and  traitors,  thronged  into  the  Kanda  tem- 
ple, overthrew  the  idol  of  the  traitor  “god,” 
dragged  it  out  into  the  street  and  with  their 
swords  chopped  it  to  pieces.  The  spell  of  nine 
hundred  years  was  broken.  There  was  one 
“god”  less  to  deceive  the  masses. 

Japanese  religion  and  social  life  did  not  begin 
in  true  ancestor- worship.  The  facts,  as  revealed 
in  the  Kojiki  and  Nihongi,  are  in  flat  contradic- 
tion to  the  theories  of  Mr.  Herbert  Spencer, 
Lafcadio  Hearn  and  the  native  code  lawyers. 
Dr.  Hozumi  and  others.^  These  ancient  records 
will  always  prevent  uncritical  patriots  from 
“swallowing  whole”  later  dogmas  born  from  the 
necessities  of  statecraft. 

* See  also  “Shinto”  by  W.  G.  Aston,  I^ondon  and  New  York, 
1905,  and  “The  Development  of  Religion  in  Japan”  by  G.  W. 
Knox,  New  York,  1907,  and  “The  Religions  of  Japan,”  New  York, 
1905,  by  the  present  author. 


CHAPTER  VI 


THE  MIKADO  AS  A MONK 

In  the  period  between  Nintoku  (A.D.  313- 
j 399),  the  seventeenth  and  last  of  the  longlived 
and  unhistorical  Mikados,  who  were  tribal  chiefs, 
and  the  Emperor  Gotoba,  the  eighty-third  in  the 
list,  constituting  fifty-six  reigns,  from  about 
A.D.  400  to  1200,  the  Mikado  was,  in  theory,  the 
sole  ruler  of  the  land.  During  these  eight  cen- 
turies certain  principles  developed  into  institu- 
j tions  which  profoundly  affected  the  status  of  the 
i!  Emperor.  These  were,  ( 1 ) the  influence  of 
il  China;  (2)  the  entrance  and  spread  of  Bud- 
' dhism;  (3)  the  great  Reformation  of  A.D.  645; 

( 4 ) the  evolution  of  the  military  classes  and  their 
I achievements,  in  war  and  in  civil  life;  and  (5) 

ithe  formulation  of  Bushido,  or  the  Warrior’s 
Code. 

In  Kimmei’s  reign  (A.D.  540-571)  began  a 

!long  procession  of  Buddhist  missionaries  and 
Korean  teachers  into  Japan.  The  literature, 
architecture,  medicine,  the  arts  and  sciences,  cos- 
tumes and  comforts,  customs  and  manners  of  the 
old  “treasure  lands  of  the  West”  (India,  China, 
Korea)  were  brought  to  the  Islands  of  the  Sun. 

43 


44 


THE  MIKADO 


Japan  had  her  choice  from  the  ripe  fruitage  of 
thought  in  India  and  Tibet  and  could  select  from 
the  triumphs  of  Chinese  civilization,  enriched  by 
Buddhist  dogmas,  new  sentiments  and  ritual, 
together  with  whatever  Korea,  then  rising  to  the 
zenith  of  her  civilization,  had  to  offer. 

During  this  period  Japanese  warriors,  making 
naval  and  military  expeditions,  went  over  into 
the  neighboring  peninsula ; sometimes,  and  prob- 
ably in  most  cases,  as  unauthorized  pirates;  but 
again  as  servants  of  the  Mikado  who  furnished 
valuable  allies  to  the  Koreans. 

After  this  tremendous  infusion  of  continental 
ideas  the  islanders  were  able  in  A.D.  645  to  move 
at  one  boimd  from  feudalism  to  imperialism, 
from  something  like  a rude  confederacy,  held 
together  by  one  paramount  house  or  tribe,  to 
centralization  that  meant  sooner  or  later  the 
obedience  of  subjugated  people.  Nevertheless 
Kyoto,  like  Rome,  soon  had  both  its  imperator  or 
general  and  its  Praetorian  camp. 

Until  the  settlement,  in  the  eighth  century,  at 
Nara  (probably  a Korean  word  for  “capital”) 
the  residence  of  the  Court  was  migatory.  In  the 
five  home  provinces,  Japan’s  ancient  center, 
scores  of  names  tell  of  places  which  were  once 
capitals  or  seats  of  the  Court.  In  most  cases 
they  have  shrunk  to  humble  villages.  Japan  has 
had  sixty  “capitals.” 

In  the  further  transformation  both  of  the 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


45 


islanders  and  their  central  institution  of  Mikado- 
ism  the  cult  of  Buddha,  yielding  both  a literary 
and  a spiritual  treasure,  stimulated  the  study  of 
Chinese  and  opened  a door  into  the  treasure 
houses  of  Confucianism,  which,  though  at  first 
only  an  ethical  system,  had  become  a philosophy. 
Japanese  Buddhism,  which  is  simply  the  collec- 
tive name  of  manifold  influences  during  a thous- 
and years,  has  been  the  nation’s  greatest  and  most 
thoroughgoing  civilizer,  becoming  even  the  par- 
ent of  Japanese  ancestor  worship;  as  distinct 
from  the  clan  or  official  cult,  making  the  insular 
idea  and  practice  very  much,  though  not  exactly, 
like  the  true  Chinese  system.  Furthermore  the 
bonzes  persuaded  the  Mikados  to  use  no  more 
the  ancient  term  “Sumeragi,”  but,  after  the 
Chinese  fashion,  to  adopt  the  title  of  “Tenno,” 
King  of  Heaven,  or  “Tenshi,”  Son  of  Heaven. 
Now,  in  the  native  rhetoric  of  many  centuries,  the 
Mikado,  in  addition  to  the  European  equivalents 
for  “Majesty,”  has  a rosary  of  Chinese  titles. 

It  soon  appeared  that  nominal  retirement  fur- 
nished often  only  a mask  for  greater  political 
activity  in  secret,  when  a puppet  was  on  the 
throne.  Mikadoism  grew  into  a cult  and  later 
evaporated  into  an  idea,  or  an  abstraction,  but 
the  nation  degenerated  under  this  new  variety  of 
the  dogma.  Instead  of  being  a man,  priestcraft 
transformed  Japan’s  chief  ruler  into  an  idol.  It 
mattered  very  little  who  was  on  the  throne.  The 


46 


THE  MIKADO 


place,  the  office,  rather  than  the  person,  was 
important. 

It  is  against  this  foil  of  the  historic  degrada- 
tion of  the  personality  of  Japan’s  Emperor,  for 
which  Buddhism  is  so  largely  responsible,  that 
the  Constitution  of  1889,  so  explicitly  and  with 
emphasis,  deelares  that  “the  Empire  of  Japan 
shall  be  reigned  over  and  governed  by  a line  of 
Emperors.”  Mutsuhito,  a true  governor,  lived 
a life  of  eeaseless  industry  in  shouldering  the 
cares  of  state. 

Nevertheless,  as  seen  in  perspective,  through 
the  later  centuries  of  war,  the  early  Buddhist  era 
(A.D.  .552-1192),  the  era  of  Hei-an  (Serene 
Calm)  seems  to  the  modern  Japanese  to  be 
almost  a golden  age.  They  call  the  period  from 
A.D.  1159  to  1603  the  era  of  Civil  Strife. 
Roughly  speaking,  the  nation  has  had  but  two 
long  stretches  of  peacefid  time,  that  of  the  early 
Buddhist  era,  over  a small  area,  comparatively, 
and  that  of  the  Tokugawa  era  of  bureaucracy, 
from  1604  to  1868,  in  the  Empire,  south  of  Yezo. 
Japan’s  modern  life  has  been  marked  by  the  two 
great  internal,  bloody  struggles  of  1868  and 
1877,  and  two  eolossal  foreign  wars. 

During  this  medieval  era  of  Hei-an,  as  in 
every  other  period  of  Japanese  history,  popular 
reverence  for  the  Mikado  continued  unabated. 
This  was  not  patriotism,  as  we  understand  it,  not 
even  reverence  for  the  Emperor  himself,  but 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


47 


rather  for  the  Throne.  The  man  was  sunk  in  the 
office.  It  was  the  place,  the  impersonal  potency, 
which  formed  the  center  of  all  authority.  It  is, 
in  our  day,  noisily  asserted  that  no  noble  or  com- 
moner ever  attempted  to  usurp  the  office  of 
Mikado;  but  at  this  question,  answered  so  dif- 
ferently by  the  delirious  patriot  of  modern  days 
and  by  the  real  history  of  J apan,  we  have  already 
glanced.  There  is  a blatant,  unhistorical  JNIika- 
doism.  Indeed,  we  may  ask,  why  need  preten- 
ders arise?  So  long  as  it  was  possible  to  raise 
up  figureheads  on  the  throne,  and  thus  conceal 
the  mechanism  of  wirepulling  and  pipelaying, 
that  is,  of  rendering  invisible  the  real  “boss”  or 
worker  of  the  machine,  why  should  the  politician 
crave  nominal  supremacy? 

Even  when  the  military  clans,  Taira  and  Mma- 
moto,  came  to  blows  in  A.D.  1159,  and  the  latter 
were  defeated  and  exiled,  the  victors  did  not  seize 
the  Throne,  nor  actually  make  one  of  their  num- 
ber a Mikado,  but  it  was  their  nominee,  Go-Toba, 
of  Imperial  blood,  who  took  the  sacred  mat  and 
behind  the  bamboo  curtain  reigned  fourteen  years 
(1184-1198). 

During  this  century  hara-kiri,  or  seppuku,  a 
form  of  suicide  not  kno\\m  in  early  Japan,  began 
its  vogue.  In  the  opinion  of  some  it  originated 
“in  the  metaphorical  use  of  the  word  hara  [abdo- 
men], which  was  the  supposed  organ  for  the  be- 
getting of  ideas.”  Philosophically  speaking,  it 


48 


THE  MIKADO 


was  the  issue  of  the  conflict  between  nominalism 
and  realism,  phases  of  philosophy  that  have 
played  no  mean  part  in  the  history  of  Far  East- 
ern thought. 

As  civilization  advances  in  Japan  and  insular 
and  class  ideals  melt  into  a universal  and  higher 
system  of  ethics,  the  cult  of  hara-kiri  is  attacked 
even  by  Japanese  reformers.  Now,  except  for 
compelling  and  excusing  reasons,  the  suicide  is 
reckoned  a moral  coward,  and  thousands  of 
natives  are  courageous  enough  to  say  so. 

During  this  Hei-an,  or  Peaceful  Period,  many 
if  not  most  of  the  various  names,  titles  and  titular 
or  rhetorical  references  to  the  Mikado  had  their 
origin.  Descriptive  of  the  center  of  the  nation’s 
life,  these  terms  now  form  a treasury  of  word 
jewels  in  the  Aladdin’s  cave  of  Japan’s  classical 
poetry. 

Alas  that  the  modem  Japanese  have  virtually 
let  fall  into  desuetude  the  august  and  venerable 
native  word  “Mikado,”  associated  for  ages  as  it 
is  with  all  things  noble  and  venerable!  In  place 
of  “Mikado”  they  have  adopted  a term  of  Chi- 
nese coinage,  “Tenno,”  or  “Tenshi,”  now  used  in 
ordinary  native  speech.  This  word,  which  cuts 
against  the  grain  of  progressive  humanity  and 
advancing  civilization,  means  Heavenly  King  or 
Son.  For  foreign  use  they  employ  the  title  “Em- 
peror.” Perhaps  the  Japanese,  following  recent 
precedent  in  this  as  in  other  matters,  notably  their 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


49 


once  neglected  art,  and,  for  a time,  their  true 
assets  of  hereditary  culture,  will  return  to  the 
grand  and  venerable  title,  “Mikado.” 

In  official  documents,  “Kotei,”  meaning  imper- 
ial ruler,  is  employed  and  “Heika”  has  the  force 
of  “His  Majesty.”  There  are  numerous  other 
expressions  relating  to  the  Throne  and  its  Occu- 
pant used  in  rhetoric  or  poetry. 

The  appellations  by  which  the  Mikados,  both 
male  and  female,  in  the  line,  are  known  in  his- 
tory are  all  posthumous.  Only  expert  scholars 
and  antiquarians  can  recall  the  names  by  which 
the  rulers  of  Japan  were  known  during  their 
lifetime.  The  official  action  of  1912  which  de- 
clares that  Mutsuhito  (the  Great)  shall  lose  his 
personality  and  be  known  as  the  Meiji  Tenno 
may  follow  national  custom,  but  to  the  Western 
mind  seems  abominable. 

The  Mikado  has  no  family  name,  but  only  a 
personal  designation.  This  in  itself  is  a note  of 
very  great  antiquity.  The  fact  that  the  Mikado 
has  no  name,  like  that  of  the  Guelphs,  Haps- 
burgs,  Hohenzollerns,  or  others  who  have  arisen 
out  of  the  impersonal  ooze  of  barbarism,  shows 
that  his  predecessors  ruled  in  a day  more  an- 
cient than  that  of  any  Occidental  house  now 
reigning  or  acting  as  figureheads  of  social  order 
in  Europe.  The  line  of  Mikados  has  rided  from 
time  immemorial,  or  as  the  Constitution  declares 
“from  ages  eternal.” 


50 


THE  MIKADO 


During  this  classical  era  the  national  literature 
and  native  art,  already  in  evolution,  as  shown  in 
the  relics  found  in  the  dolmens  and  the  Shinto 
oral  liturgies  and  early  songs,  had  their  first  nota- 
ble development.  Imitated  from  Chinese  origin- 
als, or  developed  through  literary  or  artistic 
suggestion,  the  symbols  of  the  Mikado’s  person- 
ality and  power  also  took  form.  The  three 
legged  erow  in  the  sun,  the  sixteen  petalled 
“chrysanthemum,”  originally  the  sim,  with  six- 
teen rays,  the  red  ball  on  a white  ground  and  the 
same  now  used  by  the  War  Department,  on  the 
army  flag,  but  with  sixteen  rays  added,  are  now 
well  known,  but  the  original  suggestion  came 
from  China.  The  Mikado  was  as  the  sun,  his 
INIinisters  and  servants  were  as  the  moon;  and 
this  social  dogma  is  shown  in  the  ancient  brocade 
standards. 

Out  of  the  rich  treasury  of  native  classical 
poetry  a stanza  of  the  eighth  century,  celebrating 
the  glory  of  the  Mikado  and  wishing  him  “Ban- 
zai,” or  ten  thousand  years  of  life,  was  selected, 
a few  years  ago,  as  the  national  hymn,  and  made 
by  the  soldiery  during  the  war  with  China  a 
battle  cry.  The  elassic  words,  Kimi  ga  yo,  are 
now  sung  to  a tune,  suggesting  archaic  music, 
hut  written  by  a German  musieian.  Some  of  the 
renderings  in  English  are  too  florid,  even  to  the 
exaggeration  of  fulsome  flattery.  Professor 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


51 


Chamberlain’s  version,  now  the  accepted  one,  is 
as  follows: 

“May  our  Lord’s  dominion  last 
Till  a thousand  years  have  passed. 

Twice  four  thousand  times  o’er  told! 

Firm  as  changeless  rock,  earth  rooted. 

Moss  of  ages  uncomputed. 

Grow  upon  it,  green  and  old.” 

Simplest  of  all  is  this  version,  also  made  by 
Chamberlain  in  1880: 

“A  thousand  years  of  happy  life  be  thine  I 
Live  on,  my  Lord,  tiU  what  are  pebbles  now. 

By  age  united,  to  great  rocks  shall  grow 
Whose  venerable  sides  the  moss  doth  line !” 

A flamboyant  and  expanded  form,  containing 
ideas  not  in  the  original,  is  this: 

“Until  this  grain  of  sand. 

Tossed  by  each  wavelet’s  freak. 

Grow  to  a cloudgirt  peak 
Towering  above  the  land; 

Until  the  dewy  flake 

Beading  this  blossom’s  gold 
Swell  to  a mighty  lake — 

Age  upon  age  untold 
Joy  to  joy  manifold 
Add  for  our  Sovereign’s  sake.” 


CHAPTER  VII 


SEVEN  CENTURIES  OF  ECLIPSE 

I have  set  out  in  this  volume  to  tell  the  story 
of  Japan’s  development  only  in  the  phases  of 
Mikadoism.  In  other  books  I have  shown  how 
the  two  leading  military  elans,  the  Genji  and 
Ileike,  or  Minamoto  and  Taira,  the  Reds  and 
the  Whites,  after  settling  down  in  Kyoto,  quar- 
reled, in  A.D.  1159,  over  the  spoils  of  ofRee,  the 
Throne  being  the  chief  prize.  The  former  held 
the  power  and  overawed  Court  and  Emperors 
during  several  generations.  Then  followed  a 
war  of  supposed  extermination,  but  the  Mina- 
moto rose  to  triumph  again,  and  the  Shogun  in 
the  “Far  East,”  at  Kamakura,  became  the  real 
power  holder,  while  the  personality  of  the  Mikado 
in  Kyoto  grew  more  shadow5^  There  were  two 
capitals  and  two  rulers  in  the  Island  Empire. 
The  families,  in  succession,  as  military  governors 
of  the  country,  that  is,  the  “bosses,”  were  the 
Minamoto  (A.D.  1192-1219),  the  Hojo  (1219- 
1333)  and  the  Ashikaga  (1335-1573).  When  in 
A.D.  1333  the  eastern  city  of  Kamakura  was 
stormed  and  burned  the  partisans,  once  united  in 
war,  quarreled  over  the  division  of  spoil,  and,  as 

52 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


53 


each  side  held  to  its  own  nominee  to  the  Throne, 
a desolating  war  issued,  which  lasted  fifty-six 
years.  The  Imperial  dynasties  were  called 
respectively  the  Northern  and  the  Southern.  As 
the  war  progressed  and  widened  the  prime  object 
was  in  a great  measure  forgotten  in  the  lust  for 
land  and  slaughter. 

Finally,  in  1392,  the  Southern  Emperor,  Go- 
Kameyama,  was  persuaded  by  an  envoy  of  Ashi- 
kaga  to  come  to  Kyoto  and  deliver  up  the  regalia, 
or  three  sacred  symbols,  to  Go- Komatsu,  the 
Northern  Emperor.  The  compromise  was  made 
effectual  by  declaring  that  the  throne  should  be 
occupied  alternately  by  the  rival  dynasties  of  the 
Imperial  family,  the  two  becoming  one.  The 
problem  was  soon  solved.  In  a few  generations, 
however,  the  Northern  dynasty  became  extinct. 

The  orthodox  view,  held  in  modern  Japan,  con- 
cerning the  Northern  dynasty,  consisting  of  the 
five  “false”  Emperors,  Kogen,  Komio,  Shinko, 
Go-Kogon,  Go-Enyiu,  and  Go-Komatsu,  is  that 
this  line  was  illegitimate.  A library  of  books  by 
Japanese  authors  exists  on  the  subject.  In  mod- 
ern lists  the  names  of  the  five  Northern,  or 
“false”  Emperors,  nominees  of  Ashikaga,  were 
at  first  represented  only  by  black  spots ; but  now, 
on  the  rising  tide  of  Mikadoism,  both  names  and 
faces  are  given,  though  not  in  the  official  chrono- 
logical order,  making,  in  1915,  129  in  all. 

This  rough  treatment  of  the  Emperors  and  the 


54. 


THE  MIKADO 


defiant  attitude  to  the  institution  of  Mikadoism 
by  the  Ho  jo  regents  enables  the  historical  stu- 
dent to  examine  again  the  statement,  made  with 
the  seriousness  of  an  article  of  religion,  that  “the 
crime  of  high  treason  has  never  been  known  in 
Japan.”  As  a simple  matter  for  record.  Mikados 
have  been  plotted  against,  assassinated,  driven  to 
exile  and  suicide,  seized  and  put  in  prison,  ban- 
ished, their  palaces  attacked  and  the  Imperial 
person  held  as  prisoner.  In  the  case  of  Masa- 
kado,  as  we  have  seen,  assumption  of  sovereignty 
itself  was  made. 

The  dual  system  of  Shogun  and  Mikado 
was  maintained  under  the  Ashikaga  line  of 
rulers  (1335-1573).  Art  flourished  and  luxury 
abounded  in  the  capital,  but  the  Empire  fell  into 
anarchy.  “Japan”  was  but  a geographical  ex- 
pression for  an  area  covered  by  a multitude  of 
warring  feudal  fractions. 

Then  arose  in  succession  the  three  great  men, 
Nobunaga  (A.D.  1534-1582)  ; Hideyoshi,  who 
died  in  1598,  and  lyeyasu  (1542-1616).  These 
fought  in  the  name  of  the  Mikado  to  give  the 
country  unity,  as  well  as  to  gratify  their  own 
ambitions. 

Seen  in  the  perspective  of  history,  there  are  dis- 
cernible in  this  era  (1575-1604)  the  origins  of  two 
modern  parties,  that  might  be  called  the  Feder- 
alist and  the  Imperialist;  which,  after  mutual 
antagonism,  became  Unionists.  The  idea  of  the 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON  55 

first  was  incarnated  in  Hideyoshi,  the  second  in 
the  Mikado  reverencers  of  the  early  nineteenth 
century,  and  third  in  Okubo,  Ito,  and  the  Elder 
Statesmen  of  the  Meiji  era  (I868-I9I2) . 

lyeyasu,  virtual  monarch  of  Japan,  founded 
in  Yedo  the  Tokugawa  regency,  when  “all  mem- 
ory of  the  personal  rule  of  the  Mikado  had  been 
lost  for  four  hundred  years.”  As  a statesman  of 
consummate  genius,  he  surpassed  all  his  prede- 
cessors in  heaping  honors  upon  the  Emperor, 
besides  re-erecting  Mikadoism  on  a new  and  larger 
foundation,  ordering  that  the  Shogun  should  pay 
homage  to  the  Throne.  He  rebuilt  the  palace  in 
Kyoto  and  enlarged  the  revenues  of  the  Imperial 
house.  Apparently  the  reverence  of  lyeyasu,  in 
exaltation  of  the  Emperor,  could  no  further  go. 

Yet  lyeyasu  paid  honor  only  in  form.  He 
outdid  the  Fujiwara  in  elevating  the  Mikado 
godward,  while  eliminating  the  last  vestige  of  his 
political  authority.  He  made  of  a living  man  an 
idol  in  a shrine.  He  built  a ring  fence  of  fiefs, 
held  by  his  feudal  relatives,  around  the  Imperial 
and  sacred  city.  In  Kyoto  itself  the  strongly 
fortified  castle  of  Nijo,  always  fully  garrisoned, 
nominally  protected  but  in  reality  overawed  the 
Court.  Approach  to  the  Emperor,  through  such 
a threefold  hedge,  except  by  permission  of  the 
Yedo  lord,  was  impossible.  Nothing  but  a strong 
combination  of  clans  and  Castle  Lords,  unthink- 


56 


THE  MIKADO 


able  during  Japan’s  hermit  days,  eould  sap  or 
storm  such  a triply  guarded  fortress. 

To  make  guardianship  sure  one  of  the  Imperial 
princes  was  obliged  to  live  as  a hostage  in  Yedo, 
for  the  Imperial  house.  Under  monastic  vows,  as 
lord  abbot  of  the  Uyeno  temple  in  Yedo,  he  was 
kept  in  virtual  durance.  The  Court  nobles  were 
treated  generously,  but  rather  as  poor  relations. 
Though  kept  in  comfort  and  good  humor  by  social 
attentions  and  assurance  of  income,  they  were 
ever  under  espionage.  Dutch  writers,  who  told 
the  outside  world  about  the  secluded  Empire, 
were  encouraged  to  say  that  there  were  “two  Em- 
perors” in  Japan,  one  “spiritual,”  the  other  “tem- 
poral.” Naturally  it  came  to  pass  that  the  gifts 
of  the  United  States,  through  Perry,  to  the  Yedo 
Shogmi,  were  labelled  to  “the  Emperor  of 
Japan.”  In  1872  I saw  these  cast  off  tokens  of 
Shogunal  glory  and  alien  misinterpretation  of 
reality.  Between  pity  and  wrath  I enjoyed 
richly  the  humor  of  the  affair.  Here,  at  Shidzu- 
oka,  was  one  of  the  colossal  jokes  of  the  ages. 

In  American  history  Jefferson  and  Madison, 
though  in  their  lifetime  political  opponents  of 
Alexander  Hamilton,  the  chief  artificer  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  followed  out, 
after  his  death,  their  adversaiy’s  policy.  So, 
although  the  new  ruler,  lyeyasu,  was  nominally 
an  enemy  of  Hideyoshi,  he  was  the  real  executor 
of  his  political  will,  in  giving  peace  and  unity  to 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


57 


the  Empire.  A favorite  Japanese  picture  shows 
Nobunaga  and  Mitsuhide  pounding  the  boiled 
rice,  Hideyoshi  kneading  the  dough  and  prepar- 
ing the  cake,  which  lyeyasu  eats  and  enjoys.  The 
Tokugawa  crest,  three  asaruni  leaves  within  a 
circle,  said  to  have  been  derived  from  a cake  pre- 
sented to  an  ancestor  with  decoration  of  this  fol- 
iage, henceforth  became  to  natives  and  foreign- 
ers alike  a conspicuous  object  of  art,  adornment, 
and  blazonry.  It  was  even  more  familiar  to  the 
people  than  were  the  Imperial  crests  of  three 
kiri  leaves  surmounted  by  the  blossoms,  and  the 
sixteen  petalled  chrysanthemum. 

lyeyasu  incarnated  the  spirit  of  his  age  in 
longing  for  peace.  The  Empire’s  “grand  old 
man,”  he  spent  his  later  years  in  gathering  books 
and  manuscripts,  in  patronizing  scholars,  and  in 
endowing  institutions  of  learning,  philosophy  and 
Buddhism,  thus  ushering  in  the  age  of  calm, 
which  lasted  for  two  hundred  and  fifty  years. 

lyeyasu  initiated  a system  of  inclusion  by 
which  the  people  were  shut  up  within.  All 
seaworthy  ships  were  destroyed,  and  the  Japa- 
nese forbidden  to  go  to  other  countries.  Certain 
economic  and  social  theories,  coworking  with  a 
system  of  philosophy  borrowed  from  Chinese 
representers  of  Confucius  and  enforced  under 
penalties,  were  set  forth  as  orthodoxy  to  rivet 
the  iron  bands  of  military  compression.  His 
immediate  successors,  especially  lyemitsu  his 


58 


THE  MIKADO 


grandson,  were  even  more  rigid  in  executing  the 
founder’s  policy.  Buddhism  was  more  or  less 
jjatronized.  The  Portuguese  and  Spanish  mis- 
sionaries were  expelled,  foreign  religions  were 
put  under  ban,  and  only  one  loophole  was  allowed, 
at  Nagasaki,  where  the  Dutchmen,  not  considered 
to  be  “Christians,”  that  is,  political  intermeddlers, 
were  permitted,  under  rigid  limitations,  to  trade. 

Nevertheless  lyeyasu,  in  attempting  to  but- 
tress his  family  line,  to  secure  his  succession  and 
to  “give  peace  to  the  Empire,”  by  duarchy  in 
government,  ironhanded  orthodoxy  in  philosophy 
and  Buddhism  in  religion,  planted  acorns  in  a 
bottle.  The  researches  of  the  native  critical  his- 
torians, the  study  of  ancient  history,  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  neo-Confucian  philosophy,  with  the 
coming  of  the  foreigners,  combined  to  shatter  his 
stately  edifice.  Even  without  Occidental  on- 
slaught, the  lyeyasuan  system  would  have  been 
doomed  and  made  to  fall  before  the  twentieth 
century  dawned. 

Yedo  gradually  became  a splendid  city,  and 
until  1868  was  the  real  center  of  authority.  It 
had  already  reached  its  full  glory  when  Perry 
knocked  at  its  door. 

We  may  call  this  “the  European  period.” 
Hitherto  the  civilization  of  Japan,  derived  from 
India  and  China,  was  more  or  less  Hindoo  (Bud- 
dhist), or  Chinese  (Confucian).  From  1603  it 
was  more  strictly  Japanese,  for  Nippon,  though 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


59 


steadily  and  continually  influenced  by  Europe, 
through  Holland  and  the  Dutch  of  Deshinia, 
was  shut  up  from  the  outer  world. 

Fifteen  Tokugawas  held  rule  in  Yedo,  from 
1604  to  1868,  and  during  this  period  fourteen 
jNIikados  ruled,  one  of  them  twenty-five,  another 
thirty-six,  another  twenty-nine  years.  One,  Go- 
Midzuno-o  (1612-1629)  reached  the  advanced 
age  of  eighty-five.  Two  of  the  JNIikados  were 
Empresses,  the  political  tools  of  Yedo. 

The  successors  of  lyeyasu,  especially  his 
grandson,  as  we  have  seen,  were  strenuous  in 
carrying  out  the  founder’s  policy.  The  Shogun’s 
procession  to  Kyoto,  to  offer  homage  to  the 
JNIikado,  was  discontinued  and  the  Nijo  castle 
garrison  increased.  In  Court  ritual  the  Shogun 
was  the  JNIikado’s  ape.  Throne,  or  dais,  curtains, 
sword  bearer,  prostrations  and  etiquette  in  Yedo 
were  but  copies  or  reflections  of  those  in  Kyoto. 
In  time  public  and  abject  homage,  even  to  the 
spectacular  tomfoolery  and  millinery,  the  osten- 
tation of  outward  symbols,  the  compulsion  of 
bowing,  even  to  tea  jars  in  process  of  transporta- 
tion and  the  pasting  up  of  windows,  lest  any 
should  look  down  on  Shogunal  person  or  prop- 
erty, were  exacted  of  both  populace  and  gentry, 
imtil  the  blood  of  jealous  or  hostile  vassals  and 
reverencers  of  the  JNIikado  boiled. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  the  fanatical  JNIika- 
doist  lyeyasu  was  a usurper,  who  rohbed  the 


60 


THE  MIKADO 


Emperor  of  his  power  in  order  to  glorify  his  own 
name  and  family.  The  more  judicial  student 
sees,  however,  that  the  Tokugawa  dynasty  was 
democratic  in  its  tendency. 

The  “legacy”  of  lyeyasu,  a document  well 
worthy  of  study,  teaches  that  “the  people  are  the 
foundation  of  the  Empire”  and  assures  us  of  his 
purpose  to  “assist  the  people  to  give  peace”  to 
the  country.  In  the  provinces  ruled  by  his  kins- 
men or  descendants,  as  I saw  in  my  travels  in 
1870  and  later,  the  lot  of  the  common  people  was 
notoriously  better  than  in  most  of  the  other  fiefs 
or  districts.  The  fiercest  diatribes  against  “demo- 
cracy” and  popular  rights  came  later  from  Sat- 
suma,  the  most  determined  foe  of  Tokugawa. 

So  perfect  seemed  the  system,  so  apparently 
free  from  internal  dangers  and  external  perils 
and  so  apparently  destined  to  last  forever,  that 
to  the  majority  of  the  Japanese  at  the  opening  of 
the  nineteenth  century  any  suggestion  of  change 
seemed  impiety  or  treason.  Nevertheless,  soon 
after  alien  infiuences  began  to  work  in  Japan  this 
duarchy  went  to  pieces.  It  is  now  only  historical, 
with  scarce  a perceptible  trace,  except  as  its  old 
ideals  sway  some  individual  of  ancient  mind. 
The  chief  cause  of  overthrow  lay  in  the  study  of 
the  ancient  Shinto  religion  and  of  the  primitive 
Japanese  language,  begun  by  Mabuchi,  who  left 
office  and  emolument,  for  the  lonely  toil  of  the 
scholar,  to  usher  in  a glorious  era. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


61 


Even  the  re-presentation  of  the  ethics  and  phi- 
losophy of  Confucius  had  a result  the  opposite 
of  that  looked  for  by  the  founder  of  Yedo.  Like 
the  other  forms  of  intellectual  labor,  the  study  of 
philosophy  tended  to  undermine  a system  of  divi- 
sion and  to  concentrate  loyalty  in  the  Mikado’s 
person  as  the  center  of  government  and  religion. 
While  politically  the  Bakufu  or  War  Curtain 
Government  fell  asleep,  the  brain  of  the  Japanese 
scholars  was  alert  and  sleepless. 

Long  before  foreign  influences  became  phe- 
nomenal in  Japan,  the  fleld  was  ploughed  ready 
for  new  seed  and  fresh  growth.  A small  but  ever 
increasing  number  of  intelligent  Japanese  hun- 
gered for  the  science  of  the  West.  Making  pil- 
grimages to  Nagasaki,  or  meeting  the  Dutchmen 
in  Yedo,  or  on  their  journeys  to  and  from  that 
city,  their  appetites  were  but  whetted  for  greater 
knowledge.  Each  native  student  on  his  return 
home  became  a center  of  intelligence  and  of  for- 
eign culture. 

Most  of  these  passionate  pilgrims  southward 
were  physicians.  Indeed  there  are  some  who 
would  date  the  renascence  of  Japan  from  the  year 
1776,  when,  as  is  supposed,  for  the  first  time  in 
the  Empire,  a human  cadaver  was  dissected,  and 
the  Chinese  system  of  anatomy,  hitherto  domi- 
nant, was  thus  proved  to  be  fanciful.  Many  a 
Vesalius  before  this  time  saw,  but  feared  to  tell 
the  truth.  Many  scores  of  literary  and  political 


62 


THE  MIKADO 


inquirers  mastered  Duteh  as  the  vehicle  of  knowl- 
edge. In  this  way  they  learned  of  the  great 
world,  especially  of  the  West  and  its  mighty 
forces. 

Yet  the  idea  of  Imperial  monarchy  was  but 
slowly  reached  and  perhaps  no  prophet  had  the 
vision  of  a Japan  wholly  free  from  feudalism. 
The  story  of  the  mental  development  of  Okubo, 
“the  brain  of  the  Revolution”  of  1868,  conclu- 
sively proves  this,  showing  his  roundabout  path 
and  the  teaching  of  events.  With  Nariaki,  lord 
of  Satsuma,  and  other  farseeing  patriots,  he 
studied  possibilities,  peered  into  the  future,  and 
was  forward  in  the  doctrines  and  hopes  of  the 
Mikado  reverencing  school  of  thinkers,  who  were 
all,  of  course,  united  in  the  purpose  of  destroying 
the  work  of  lyeyasu.  Okubo’s  first  plan,  as  a 
Unionist,  in  order  to  do  away  with  the  Yedo  sys- 
tem and  duarchy,  was  to  rmite  the  landless  Court 
Nobles  in  Kyoto,  with  the  Daimios  or  territorial 
barons,  in  the  Government.  Only  by  degrees  did 
the  vision  of  a supreme  imperialism  dawn  on  this 
superb  intellect,  while  the  abolition  of  feudalism, 
even  as  an  idea,  came  only  after  foreigners  had 
been  long  on  the  soil. 

The  final  issue  of  the  Revolution  of  1868  was 
not  only  a woeful  disappointment  to  the  Samurai, 
and  even  to  Okubo’s  coworkers,  Saigo  and  others, 
but  became  a horrible  and  wholly  unforeseen 
abyss.  To  put  down  the  opposition,  of  those  who 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


63 


started  the  original  movement  of  1868  cost  the 
Mikado  the  shedding  of  tenfold  more  of  the  blood 
of  his  subjects  than  the  Revolution  itself,  with  its 
battles  and  sieges. 

These  various  influences,  the  revivals  of  native 
and  Chinese  learning,  of  pure  Shinto,  of  the  Con- 
fucian  philosophy  of  Chu  Hi  (1130-1200),  with 
the  doctrines  of  the  Chinese  thinker  Oyoniei 
(1472-1528),  and  the  critical  inquiries  of  the 
Historical  School  becoming  more  potent  as 
knowledge  increased,  would  in  all  probability, 
without  foreign  contact,  making  a new  world  of 
opinion,  have  ripened  into  action,  even  to  the 
overthrow  of  the  existing  system  and  the  creation 
of  a new  State. 

Along  with  the  researches  of  the  Shintoists  and 
the  work  of  the  Mito  scholars,  who  produced  a 
massive  historical  library,  proceeded  the  private 
investigations  into  native  history  by  such  men  as 
Rai  Sanyo,  who  helped  to  create  the  political 
opinions  of  Japanese  gentlemen  in  the  nineteenth 
century.  Added  to  these  were  the  patriots  who 
hated  the  Yedo  tyranny  and  longed  to  find  truth 
in  the  world  at  large.  The  story  of  these  pris- 
oners of  the  spirit,  whose  pinions  of  desire  beat  in 
vain  against  the  bars  of  the  gaol,  is  full  of  pathetic 
incident.  A whole  library  in  the  vernacular  has 
photographed  the  experiences  of  those  who  were 
the  morning  stars  of  the  full  day  dawn  of  1868. 

Ever  shining  is  the  name  of  Yoshida  Shoin, 


64 


THE  MIKADO 


who  foresaw  the  day  of  Perry’s  coming,  waited 
long,  travelled  much,  and  at  risk  of  life  mounted 
the  deck  of  the  American  war  steamer  Mississippi 
at  midnight,  with  his  coat  stuffed  with  materials 
for  taking  notes  of  what  he  should  see  in  the 
countries  of  the  great  world  outside.  Arrested, 
imprisoned,  but  afterward  released,  be  became  the 
teacher  of  the  Marquis  Ito  and  Count  Inouye, 
two  relentlessly  aggressive  prophets  of  the  new 
dispensation  in  Japan. 

Others  hoped  that  Japan  might  become  as 
England  and  have  representative  government, 
and  more  than  one  such  prisoner  of  hope  suffered 
incarceration  or  death,  because  of  his  opinions  or 
acts.  Even  subterranean  Christianity  had  its 
martyrs.  A large  and  powerful  party,  both 
literary  and  theological,  taught  as  the  political 
ideal  of  the  nation  the  restoration  of  the  Mikado 
to  the  supreme  authority  which  he  had  enjoyed 
seven  centuries  before,  with  Shinto  as  an  engine 
of  state.  The  members  of  the  Satsuma,  Choshiu, 
Tosa  and  other  clans  that  had  never  been  really 
conquered  but  had  only  yielded  in  compromise 
and  were  but  nominally  obedient  to  the  Shogun 
greedily  fed  their  minds  upon  this  idea.  More- 
over each  clansman  found  this  pretext  a most 
convenient  mantle  under  which  to  hide  his  owm 
personal  ambitions  and  his  yearnings  for  the 
supremacy  of  his  own  clan. 

President  Millard  Fillmore’s  constructive 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


65 


statesmanship  on  behalf  of  the  United  States  and 
his  interposition  in  the  affairs  of  Japan  saved  the 
Empire  from  civil  war.  In  1852  everything 
seemed  ready  for  an  explosion  from  within,  which 
might  have  so  weakened  resources  as  to  cripple 
the  nation  for  modern  life,  or  called  in  foreign 
aggression,  as  in  the  case  of  Java,  India  and 
China.  Okakura  declares  in  his  book  “The 
Awakening  of  Japan”  that  “the  immediate  effect 
of  the  arrival  of  the  American  Embassy  was  to 
reconsolidate  the  fast  waning  power  of  the  Toku- 
gawa  Government.  Putting  in  abeyance  all 
minor  matters  of  of  dispute,  the  entire  nation 
looked  to  the  Shogun,  as  the  representative  of 
all  existing  authority,  to  lead  the  forces  of  Japan 
against  what  was  regarded  as  a Western  invasion. 
Thus  the  Tokugawa  Government  got  a new  lease 
of  life  and  its  final  overthrow  was  postponed  fif- 
teen years,  during  which  ultra  reformists  were 
kept  from  running  riot  and  the  nation  had  a 
chance  to  prepare  itself  for  the  momentous 
change  which  Avas  to  come.” 

Failing  however,  to  understand  their  position, 
the  Tokugawa  rulers  were  unable  to  retain  their 
power.  Throughout  Japanese  history  the  outer 
IMinistry  and  the  inner  Household  have  often  been 
in  conflict.  The  strong  and  benign  ruler  is  he 
who  prefers  “the  discourse  of  sour  visaged  coun- 
cillors,” who  represent  “the  united  political  wis- 
dom of  the  country,  through  a long  succession  of 


66 


THE  MIKADO 


experiences,”  to  the  “sweet  music  of  the  court 
beauties.”  Happily  in  our  day,  and  ahnost  at 
the  very  hour  in  which  President  Fillmore 
ordered  Commodore  Perry  to  start,  there  was 
horn  one,  even  Mutsuhito  who  “confined  himself 
exclusively  to  the  first  role.” 


CHAPTER  VIII 


ECHIZEN:  THE  FARSIGHTED  REFORMER 

Marquis  Matsudaira  Shungaku,  who  died  in 
1890,  with  the  highest  honors  to  which  a subject 
could  attain  bestowed  on  him  by  the  Emperor, 
was  born  of  Kuge  or  Court  ancestry,  in  Yedo, 
October  11,  1828.  When  ten  years  old  he  was 
adopted,  according  to  the  order  of  the  Shogun, 
by  Matsudaira,  the  Daimio  of  Echizen,  part  of 
whose  name  he  took,  and  whose  domains  were 
assessed  at  1,600,000  bushels  of  rice.  The  rank 
of  this  western  province  ruler  and  Castle  Lord  at 
the  Yedo  Court  was  Vice-General  of  the  Left 
Guard,  his  feudal  title  being  Echizen  no  Kami, 
or  Lord  of  Echizen.  Happily  for  the  young 
nobleman,  for  Japan  and  for  the  world,  he  be- 
came, as  he  often  signed  himself,  the  pupil  of 
Yokoi  Heishiro,  one  of  the  prophets  and  mar- 
tyrs who  held  the  Oyomei  philosophy  (Japanese 
“pragmatism”)  which  helped  so  largely  to  make 
modern  Japan. 

In  1841,  young  as  he  was,  Echizen  began  to 
reform  the  luxury  and  extravagance  bred  during 
the  long  peace.  Having  reinforced  the  coast 
guard,  in  1842,  he  journeyed  to  Fukui,  and  lived 

67 


68 


THE  MIKADO 


there,  making  the  City  of  the  Happy  Well  a 
model  of  good  government  and  an  educational 
center  for  the  advancement  of  science  morals  and 
the  manly  arts  of  Bushido.  Decreasing  his  own 
expenses,  he  lived  frugally  for  the  sake  of  inspir- 
ing example. 

In  1848  cannon  on  Western  models  were  cast 
at  Fukui.  Echizen  sent  some  of  young  men  to 
study  medicine  of  the  Dutch  at  Nagasaki,  and, 
without  ordering,  advised  European  practice. 
To  stay  the  ravages  of  smallpox  he  petitioned  the 
Shogun  to  have  general  vaccination  attempted 
throughout  the  country.  Failing  in  this,  in  1850 
he  opened  at  Fukui  an  office  at  which  his  own 
people  coidd  receive  the  pure  vaccine  virus.  The 
next  year  he  introduced  the  Dutch  artillery,  drill 
and  infantry  tactics.  In  1852  he  abolished  arch- 
eiy,  as  the  Samurai’s  accomplishment,  and 
ordered  rifle  shooting  at  the  butts. 

In  the  same  year,  in  anticipation  of  the  coming 
of  “the  American  barbarians,”  he  was  ordered  by 
the  Shogun  to  guard  the  water  front  of  Yedo. 
In  answer  to  a request  for  opinion  in  1852  he 
opposed  making  a treaty  as  an  inferior,  and  pro- 
posed to  defend  Japan  against  American  aggres- 
sion. He  held  to  the  same  view  on  Perry’s  return, 
next  year,  for  his  idea  was  first  to  make  the  Em- 
pire so  strong  that  Japan  would  not  be  obliged  to 
submit  to  the  dictation  of  any  foreign  Power. 
He  ordered  all  his  Samurai  to  cast  aside  spears. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


69 


arrows  and  armor,  putting  in  their  hands  the  im- 
proved Lebel  firearms,  made  in  the  rifle  factory 
established  at  Fukui.  On  May  2,  1855,  he  estab- 
lished the  School  of  Enlightened  Methods  for  the 
training  of  his  yomig  men  in  modern  science  and 
ordered  all  males  in  his  fief  over  fifteen  years  old 
to  be  enrolled  as  soldiers.  It  was  this  school 
which,  in  1871,  I had  the  honor  to  transform  into 
one  with  modern  languages  and  science,  and 
which  is  now  the  Fukui  High  School,  which  in 
1914  had  thirty  teachers  and  six  hundred  pupils. 

In  1856,  finding  that  few  had  followed  his 
advice,  he  made  it  mandatory  on  physicians  in 
Echizen  to  begin  the  Dutch,  that  is,  scientific 
medical  practice.  On  May  6,  1857,  a foreign  lit- 
erature training  department,  with  a curriculum 
of  study,  with  textbooks  based  on  the  Dutch 
model,  was  established.  Not  wishing  the  lads  to 
spend  all  their  time  on  booklore  he  added  a school 
of  military  arts  in  which  they  received  training  in 
sword,  spear,  and  gun  exercise,  horsemanship  and 
jiu-jutsu,  that  is,  weaponless  craft,  or  the  gentle 
art  of  self-defence.  Himself  the  consummate 
white  flower  of  Bushido,  he  would  have  his  stu- 
dents to  be  manly  and  his  military  men  stalwart, 
yet  both  to  be  gentle,  learned  and  brave.  It  was 
in  describing  this  gymnasium  and  noticing  the 
distinction  between  jiu-jutsu  and  wrestling,  that 
in  1876  I made  the  first  reference  in  a Western 
language,  I believe,  to  this  art,  now  so  well 
known. 


70 


THE  MIKADO 


As  a practical  reformer  Shungaku  underwent, 
iinconseiously,  self-development.  He  saw  him- 
self and  his  country  in  a new  light.  Consequently, 
when  called  to  Yedo,  December  21,  1858,  to  give 
his  opinions  concerning  the  Harris  treaty,  he 
declared  himself  in  favor  of  foreign  intercourse. 
He  pleaded  earnestly  in  behalf  of  trade,  as  the 
best  means  of  making  Japan  strong,  rich  and  able 
to  defend  herself.  He  urged  the  reformation  of 
luxury,  the  improvement  of  the  military  system 
and  the  establishment  of  sehools  and  colleges.  In 
political  reorganization  he  was  a Unionist.  He 
proposed  the  cooperation  of  IMikado  and  Shogun, 
in  active  administration. 

Visiting  the  houses  of  the  Premier  li,  in  Yedo, 
he  urged  him  not  to  dishonor  the  JNIikado  by 
signing,  without  Imperial  consent,  the  Townsend 
Harris  treaty.  He  warned  him  that  if  he  did 
the  Daimios  would  fall  away  from  the  Shogun 
and  turn  to  the  Mikado,  a prophecy  very  quickly 
fulfilled.  The  question  of  an  heir  to  the  Shogun- 
ate  was  also  a burning  one.  Instead  of  a minor, 
certain  to  be  the  tool  of  a regent,  Echizen  urged 
the  nomination  of  Keiki,  popularly  known  as 
Hitotsubashi  (First  Bridge),  a man  of  age, 
promise  and  ability. 

The  interview  between  li  and  the  lords  of  Ech- 
izen, Owari,  and  Mito  over  the  opening  of  the 
country  was  long  and  stormy.  Finding  himself 
thwarted,  li  resolved  on  arbitrary  exercise  of 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


71 


power.  Shortly  after  that  these  three  great 
barons  were  ordered  to  domiciliary  confinement. 
Echizen  was  compelled  to  vacate  his  office  and 
hand  his  fief  over  to  his  adopted  son,  Mochiaki. 
He  at  once  wrote  to  his  people,  explaining  his 
conduct  and  motives,  and  advised  them  all  to  be 
loyal  and  obedient  to  their  new  lord.  House 
imprisonment  ended  in  October,  1860,  but  his 
disabilities  were  not  wholly  removed  until  June, 
1862,  when  li  was  dead  through  assassination 
and  the  whole  political  situation  had  changed. 
The  Emperor  and  Court,  on  reading  Echizen’s 
memorial,  saw  that  he  was  the  man  for  the  hour 
and  raised  him  to  high  honor.  Herewith  we  give 
the  text  of  his  document  in  which  he  pleaded  that 
Japan  by  the  Harris  treaty  be  opened  to  the 
world’s  commerce.  It  is  one  of  many  notable 
state  papers  of  this  era: 

“Western  foreigners  of  the  present  day  differ 
widely  from  those  of  former  times.  They  are 
more  enlightened  and  liberal.  But  while  other 
nations  are  united  in  the  bonds  of  friendly  inter- 
course Japan,  standing  apart  in  her  solitude,  has 
not  known  the  changes  of  Heaven’s  course  and 
has  lost  the  friendship  of  the  world.  There  is  no 
greater  shame  to  our  country  than  this.  Hence, 
to  drive  out  the  foreigners  and  shut  up  the  coun- 
try would  be  a positive  evil.  There  are,  moreover, 
five  great  continents,  and  even  if  all  Japan  were 
imited  in  the  attempt  to  expel  foreigners,  it 


72 


THE  MIKADO 


would  be  an  unequal  contest.  Much  more  when 
the  country  is  not  of  one  mind,  would  Japan  be 
shivered  to  pieces  like  a roof  tile.  Furthermore, 
treaties  have  been  made,  and  if  we  should  attempt 
the  expulsion  aforesaid,  the  most  serious  result 
that  woidd  follow  would  be  our  violation  of  the 
national  good  faith.  The  now  talked  of  expul- 
sion of  foreigners  is  a scheme  of  those  who  do  not 
know  them,  and  our  country  would  be  ruined 
by  it. 

“Let  us  by  commerce  conform  to  the  law  of 
change  in  the  world,  and  Japan  will  become  rich. 
Besides,  all  this  talk  about  expelling  foreigners, 
closing  the  country  and  confining  our  attention  to 
the  protection  of  our  seacoast  is  no  way  to  pro- 
mote the  power  and  dignity  of  the  Empire.  Al- 
though there  is  so  much  said  at  the  capital  about 
driving  out  the  barbarians,  I cannot  think  the 
Emperor  really  reckons  on  success  in  the  attempt. 
It  would  be  impossible  unless  we  navigate  the 
seas. 

“The  so  called  ‘corrupt  religion’  of  the  Western 
ocean  is  different  from  the  Christianity  of  former 
times.  Were  Japan  to  adopt  and  practice  it,  I 
am  of  the  opinion  that  no  sects  would  arise  to 
ruin  or  damage  the  country.  This,  however, 
would  depend  upon  the  character  of  our  laws.  If 
the  people  of  Japan  become  assimilated  to  for- 
eign nations,  it  must  be  because  the  government 
here  is  inferior  to  that  of  other  lands. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


73 


“Let  us  take  our  stand  by  the  side  of  the  five 
countries,  and  like  them  build  many  large  ships 
of  war,  erect  forts  here  and  there  along  our  sea- 
coast,  and  let  us  inaugurate  a flourishing  com- 
merce in  our  own  vessels.  Giving  to  other  nations 
not  articles  useful  to  us  but  those  we  do  not  need, 
let  us  transport  American  merchandise  to  Eng- 
land and  French  goods  to  Russia,  and  selecting 
the  best  of  these  commodities  for  ourselves,  while 
we  carry  on  an  exchange  of  products,  we  shall 
naturally  become  a rich  and  powerful  comitry  in 
the  midst  of  the  seas. 

“When  we  have  become  strong  enough  to  at- 
tack others,  we  shall  have  firmly  established  our 
own  coast  defences.  As  the  power  of  the  Empire 
becomes  more  and  more  confirmed,  by  means  of 
long  established  friendly  commerce  with  other 
nations,  we  cannot  be  overthrown  or  destroyed 
for  ten  thousand  generations.  Should  another 
nation  violate  its  good  faith,  the  wrong  would  be 
its  own,  and  we  could  at  once  destroy  it.  This 
were  quite  a different  affair  from  the  expulsion 
of  foreigners  at  the  present  time.  It  would  not 
make  all  the  treaty  Powers  our  enemies  at  one  and 
the  same  time.  Hence  if  one  or  two  of  them 
should  act  in  bad  faith,  the  enemj^  being  small, 
could  easily  be  overthrown. 

“While  these  things  are  so,  the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment is  not  administered  accordingly.  It  has 
but  one  aim.  Hating  the  Western  foreigners. 


74 


THE  MIKADO 


the  Emperor  regards  them  as  brutes,  and  says 
‘Drive  them  out!  Drive  them  out!’  But,  though 
he  esteems  them  as  brutes,  they  are  nevertheless 
enlightened.  At  the  present  time  they  firmly 
maintain  friendly  relations  with  each  other,  and 
it  is  clear  that  it  is  a great  mistake  to  confound 
ancient  with  modern  times. 

“From  the  beginning  mankind  in  all  parts  of 
the  world  have  not  been  unlike  one  another.  If 
the  views  that  prevail  at  the  capital  are  sound, 
Oyomei  and  Confucius  were  barbarians  and 
ought  for  that  reason  have  been  swept  away.  . . . 

“I  present  my  remonstrances  against  the  loss 
of  virtue  on  the  part  of  the  Celestial  Dynasty, 
and  the  Shogun’s  administration,  whatever  be 
the  hazard  of  so  doing,  and  though  not  heeded,  I 
shall  do  so  while  living. 

“This  is  a true  representation  of  the  opinions 
of  one  principality.  I have  not  persuaded  any 
other  prince  [baron]  to  adopt  my  views.  But 
though  one,  two,  or  three  other  principalities  have 
come  to  entertain  the  same,  still  the  Imperial 
Government  has  always,  even  from  the  first,  been 
desirous  to  expel  the  foreigners.  Though  I have 
made  known  my  views,  whenever  I have  been  at 
the  capital,  yet  the  Imperial  Government  has  not 
embraced  them.  And  the  foregoing  are  the  opin- 
ions which  one  principality  will  hold  till  death. 

“I  had  proposed  to  go  to  the  capital,  but  as 
the  Commander-in-Chief  [the  Shogun]  has  re- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


75 


turned  thence,  I could  but  present  this  memorial 
to  his  officers. 

“The  present  prince  [baron]  of  Echizen  [Mo- 
chiaki]  was  about  to  go  to  Yedo,  but  is  detained 
by  a disease  in  his  feet.*  Moreover  I do  not  know 
when  I shall  go  up  to  the  capital.  If  the  Shogun 
says  ‘To-day,’  I am  ready  to  go  to-day,  or  when- 
ever it  may  please  him. 

“My  retainers  are  all  in  readiness,  and  should 
there  be  any  danger  in  the  vicinity  of  the  capital 
[Kyoto]  I shall  hasten  to  the  ruts  of  His  Imper- 
ial Majesty’s  chariot  wheels,  and  therefore  I 
present  this  memorial.” 

Again  the  pen  proved  mightier  than  the  sword 
and  honors  were  showered  upon  Echizen.  He 
was  made  Sosai,  or  Supreme  Administrator  [of 
affairs  in  Yedo].  In  an  epochmaking  speech  be- 
fore the  Coimcil  of  State  he  urged  that  arbitrary 
rule  should  be  abolished  and  government  be  car- 
ried on  according  to  public  opinion;  publicity 
instead  of  secrecy  prevail;  righteousness  be  made 
the  basis  of  action,  and  the  will  of  the  Emperor 
and  the  nation  be  constantly  consulted. 

One  of  Echizen’s  first  acts  in  Yedo  was  to 
release  the  Daimios  from  the  yoke  of  centuries. 
Freed  from  the  compulsion  of  being  interned  in 
Yedo,  or  of  leaving  their  wives  and  children  as 
hostages  in  the  fortress  city  when  they  left  it,  the 

* Probably  akin  to  Yuan  Shih  Kai’s  “sore  leg”  in  recent  Chinese 
history. 


76 


THE  MIKADO 


barons  flew  like  uncaged  birds  for  home,  and  for 
Kyoto.  Here  began  the  rising  wave  of  pubhc 
opinion,  for  the  feudal  lords  could  now  meet  and 
hold  comicil  together. 

Echizen’s  move,  prompted  by  Satsuma,  revers- 
ing the  old  precedent  of  division  and  separation, 
was  the  first  practical  step  toward  national  unity. 
He  struck  the  first  effective  blow  for  undoing  the 
work  of  lyeyasu. 

Ordered  into  the  Emperor  Komei’s  presence, 
for  consultation,  Echizen  proved  himself  a mod- 
ern man.  Knowing  the  value  of  time,  he  went  hy 
steamer.  The  palace  grandees,  still  shrouded 
in  the  dense  fog  of  ignorance,  wished  to  set  a 
date  to  drive  out  the  foreigners.  Echizen,  in  a 
minority  report,  showed  the  impotence  of  the 
whole  project,  declaring  that  it  could  not  he  done. 
He  urged  his  point  before  the  Mikado,  Komei. 
If  the  expulsion  policy  were  presed  he  would 
resign  office. 

Seeing  the  obstinate  bigotry  of  the  owls  and 
bats  then  in  control,  Echizen  departed  from 
Kyoto  in  disgust  and  retired  to  Fukui. 

For  this  breach  of  decorum,  in  leaving  without 
Imperial  permission,  he  was  first  ordered  to  house 
detention  and  then  forgiven.  On  December  18, 
1863,  he  was  appointed  a Palace  Resident,  and  on 
the  last  day  of  the  Japanese  (Chinese)  year  was 
made  San  jo,  or  Counsellor,  retaining  the  full 
favor  and  perfect  trust  of  the  Mikado.  Later, 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


77 


when  the  question  arose  as  to  the  coercion  of  the 
Choshiu  clan  by  the  powers  in  Yedo,  and  during 
the  negotiations  leading  to  the  abolition  of  the 
Shogunate,  Echizen  was  in  the  Imperial  Palace 
day  and  night.  Explaining,  answering  a thous- 
and questions,  this  great  Mikadoist  never  rested 
until  he  saw  all  power  centered  in  the  Throne,  and 
the  unified  nation  peaceful  under  one  head.  His 
great  hope  was  ever  that  this,  with  national  unity, 
might  be  accomphshed  without  war. 

Of  Yokoi,  lecturer  on  the  ethics  and  philosophy 
of  Confucianism,  spiritual  teacher  of  Echizen,  it 
is  enough  to  say  that  he  was,  in  influence  over 
his  chief,  what  Alexander  Hamilton  was  to 
George  Washington.  Before  sinking  under  the 
assassin’s  sword,  in  Kyoto,  in  1869,  Yokoi  had, 
through  the  medium  of  a Chinese  version  of  the 
Gospels,  discovered  the  Samurai  of  the  Ages. 
He  saw  Jesus  in  history,  and,  happily,  apart  from 
ecclesiastical  dogma  and  tradition.  With  quick 
decision,  he  became  at  once  His  secret  and  un- 
quailing follower.  He  predicted  that  the  bright 
intellects  of  Japan  would,  when  they  knew  him 
aright,  accept  the  Christ.  He  sent  his  two 
nephews  to  America  to  study  and  be  the  path- 
finders for  a great  host.  These  lads  in  1866,  I 
had  the  honor  of  teaching,  at  New  Brunswick, 
New  Jersey. 

In  the  Council  of  the  new  Government  at 
Kyoto,  in  1869,  Yokoi  pleaded  for  and  secured 


78 


THE  MIKADO 


not  only  freedom  of  conseience,  but  also  the  uplift 
of  the  Eta,  or  soeial  outcasts  to  citizenship,  as 
great  a work,  morally,  as  Lincoln’s;  and,  like  the 
American,  he  was  assassinated  for  his  pains.  A 
noble  record!  At  the  promulgation  of  the  Con- 
stitution, in  1889,  Yokoi  received  posthumous 
honor  from  the  Mikado,  now  called  Emperor,  as 
one  of  the  Makers  of  the  New  Japan. 


CHAPTER  IX 


KOMEI:  THE  LAST  HERMIT  MIKADO 

While  Japan’s  interior  preparation,  begun  two 
centuries  before  the  advent  of  Perry’s  squadron, 
went  on,  and  events  were  ripening  in  the  Far 
East,  the  people  of  the  United  States  were  being 
disciplined  for  the  experiences  of  national  expan- 
sion. The  nation’s  growing  pains,  manifest  in  the 
JMexican  war,  followed  by  an  accession  of  two  mil- 
lion square  miles  of  territory,  including  the 
Pacific  Coast  from  Oregon  to  Old  California, 
compelled  outlook  upon  the  greatest  of  oceans  and 
concentrated  American  thought  upon  the  old  em- 
pires of  Asia. 

Many  men  and  incidents  led  to  the  Japan 
Expedition  of  1853;  but  while  the  direct  initiative 
belongs  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  William 
A.  Graham,  the  largest  measure  of  honor  must  be 
awarded  to  President  Millard  Fillmore.  “His- 
tory is  a resurrection,”  and  history  will  yet  lift 
from  the  shadow  the  name  and  fame  of  one  of  the 
noblest  of  American  Executives. 

The  story  of  Perry  warms  the  popular  imagi- 
nation, but  to  Townsend  Harris,  the  New  York 
merchant  and  peaceful  envoy,  belongs  the  greater 

79 


80 


THE  MIKADO 


credit  of  enticing  Nippon  the  hermit  into  the 
world’s  market  place.  It  was  he  who  introduced 
within  the  gates  an  army  of  teachers  of  seience  and 
religion.  After  a year’s  hermitage  at  Shimoda, 
Harris  entered  Yedo  in  triiunph,  unarmed  and 
without  military  or  naval  escort,  to  convert  the 
sons  of  darkness  into  children  of  the  new  day. 
For  four  months,  by  sunlight  and  lamplight,  he 
instrueted  the  leading  men  of  the  hermit  nation 
in  the  modern  life  of  nations.  He  demanded  a 
treaty  of  trade,  residence  and  commerce,  which 
should  open  five  ports.  The  Japanese  readily 
saw  that  what  was  given  to  one  nation  must  be 
allowed  to  all. 

Thus  an  entirely  new  element,  and  a very 
potent  one,  was  injected  into  the  politics  of  the 
Empire,  tending  at  once  to  exalt  the  office  and 
person  of  the  Mikado:  Townsend  Harris  is,  in 
one  sense,  the  maker  of  the  modern  Emperor  of 
Japan.  Perry’s  achievement  alone  would  never 
have  exalted  so  grandly  the  Mikado.  With  only 
two  ports  open,  instead  of  five,  and  to  sailors 
only,  Japan  might  have  gone  on  in  her  hermit 
life.  But  behind  both  Perry  and  Harris  was  the 
push  of  the  whole  Western  world. 

In  Yedo,  led  by  the  farsighted,  vigorous  and 
unscrupulous  Premier  li,  men  knew  that  they 
eould  not  resist  the  demands  of  the  Western 
Powers.  In  Kyoto  the  men  of  the  court  held  that 
the  foreigners,  being  “barbarians,”  must  at  once 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


81 


be  driven  out  of  the  country.  How  dare  they 
resist  the  Emperor?  Let  the  Yedo  Premier  bind 
the  imps  as  Watanabe  bound  to  obedience  the 
rebel  thunder  god.  Old  fairy  tales  have  actually 
influenced  politics  in  Japan  and  do,  even  yet. 

The  Mikado  at  this  time.  No.  122  in  the  line, 
was  Osahito,  posthumously  named  Komei  (father 
of  JMutsuhito)  who  had  begun  to  reign  in  INIarch, 
1846.  Born  in  1831,  he  was,  at  the  time  of  the 
agitation  in  regard  to  the  opening  of  the  ports, 
hardly  thirty  years  old.  Having  none  but  the  tra- 
ditional ideas  about  aliens,  he  was  a bitter  hater 
of  them. 

In  its  calmness  and  freedom  from  politics 
Kyoto  had  been  like  a desert.  F or  over  two  cen- 
turies all  authority  had  been  centered  in  Yedo, 
but  from  the  arrival  of  Harris  the  Blossom  Capi- 
tal became  the  place  of  storm,  battle  and  fire. 
The  historical  research  of  scholars  had  so  opened 
the  eyes  of  thousands  of  able  men  that  these  now 
looked  upon  the  Shogun  as  a usurper.  Unable 
to  get  Imperial  consent  to  the  treaties,  the  Yedo 
regent,  li,  took  the  responsibility.  On  the  deck 
of  the  American  war  steamer  Powhatan,  his 
agents  signed  the  treaties  and  he  then  despatched 
an  embassy  to  Washington.  In  true  Japanese 
fashion,  li  was  assassinated  a few  weeks  later. 

The  Emperor  Komei  having  ordered  the  Sho- 
gun to  expel  the  aliens,  the  foreign  envoys  in  Yedo 
were  surprised  to  find  that  the  very  powers  that 


82 


THE  MIKADO 


had  admitted  them  to  the  eountry  were  trying 
by  every  resoiiree  of  diplomaey  to  get  them  to 
go  out  and  stay  away.  The  haters  of  the  Shogun 
made  use  of  ineendiarism,  assassination  and  every 
known  method  of  violence,  with  the  one  purpose 
of  drawing  the  lightning  of  the  foreigner’s  ven- 
geance upon  the  Yedo  Government  that  had  made 
the  treaties.  Some  of  the  modern,  later  the  Elder, 
Statesmen  were  busiest  at  this  work  in  their 
youthful  days. 

Impatient  at  the  delay  in  Yedo,  and  absence  of 
any  sign  of  obedience  to  the  orders  from  Kyoto 
to  drive  out  the  strangers,  the  swordsmen  of  the 
great  Choshiu  clan,  aflame  with  their  new  ideas 
of  aggressive  loyalty  to  the  Mikado,  took  inde- 
pendent action.  Professing  to  have  received  an 
explicit  Imperial  command,  they  raised  a flag 
inscribed  “in  obedience  to  the  Mikado’s  order.” 
In  1863,  having  mounted  heavy  batteries  on  the 
bluffs  commanding  the  narrow  straits  of  Shimo- 
noseki,  they  fired  in  succession  upon  and  fought 
with  the  single  ships  of  two  nations,  the  United 
States  and  the  Netherlands,  and  upon  the  doubled 
force  of  France.  The  following  year,  the  com- 
bined squadrons  of  the  four  Powers — Great 
Britain  having  joined  the  others,  and  with  the 
largest  contingent  of  ships  and  men — destroyed 
the  batteries  and  inflicted  an  indemnity  of 
$3,000,000,  to  be  paid  by  the  Yedo  Government. 
The  latter  then  summoned  its  vassals,  gathered 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


83 


a miscellaneous  army  and  attempted,  against  the 
protest  of  Echizen,  to  punish  the  Choshiu  men. 
The  Yedo  army  was  thoroughly  beaten  in  the 
campaign  and  the  reputation  of  the  Bakufu  was 
now  utterly  ruined. 

The  last  Mikado  of  Old  Japan,  Osahito,  the 
1 22nd  Mikado,  was  the  son  of  the  Emperor 
Ninko,  who  ruled  from  1817  to  1846,  the  Empress 
being  Yasuko,  of  the  Fujiwara  family.  Komei, 
as  his  posthumous  name  is,  was  born,  as  we  have 
seen,  in  1831,  became  heir  apparent  in  1845  and 
succeeded  to  the  Throne  in  March,  1846.  The 
date  named  first  belongs  in  the  era  of  Heavenly 
Peace,  1830-1843,  of  whieh  the  big  oval  brass  coin 
with  a square  hole,  so  well  known  abroad,  is 
mnemonic. 

During  Komei’s  reign  there  were  no  fewer  than 
six  chronologieal  or  year  periods,  formed  after 
the  analogy  of  the  old  Chinese  calendar,  the 
names  being  made  by  selecting  two  characters 
of  the  cycle  of  sixty  years,  literally  “a  eycle  of 
Cathay,”  and  joining  them  together.  One  of 
these  periods,  Genji,  which  lasted  only  from  Feb- 
ruary 8,  1864,  to  December  29,  1864,  is  famous 
for  a terrific  battle  in  Kyoto,  the  Choshiu  men 
making  their  first  attempt,  but  not  their  last,  to 
kidnap  the  Mikado,  to  possess  the  motor  of  gov- 
ernment. The  clansmen  of  Satsuma,  Echizen 
and  Aidzu  resisted  and  the  result  was  that  Kyoto, 
as  we  shall  see,  nearly  disappeared  in  the  smoke 


84 


THE  MIKADO 


and  flames  of  a war  fire.  In  this  episode  Mu- 
tshito,  then  a boy  of  twelve,  reeeived  his  baptism 
of  noise,  if  not  of  fire.  The  era  of  Genji  began 
one  of  the  eyeles  of  sixty  years  ending  in  1914, 
of  which  the  present,  in  Chinese  chronology,  is  the 
seventy-sixth,  in  order. 

With  January  25,  1868,  began  the  era  of 
Meiji,  or  Enlightened  Rule  or  Government — 
the  two  words  {mei  and  ji)  occurring  close  to- 
gether in  a sentence  from  the  Chinese  classics.  It 
was  destined  to  be  the  most  brilliant  in  all  the 
annals  of  Japan,  ending  with  the  decease  of 
Mutsuhito,  or  the  Meiji  Tenno,  July  30,  1912. 
With  the  passing  of  Old  Nippon  disappeared 
also  the  confusing  custom  of  making  many  short 
year  periods,  for  the  new  law  declared  that  hence- 
forth there  should  be  but  one  time  name,  or  period 
to  each  reign. 

Komei  died  of  smallpox  on  February  13,  1867, 
but  in  accordance  with  ancient  custom  it  was  not 
given  out  until  later  in  the  month  that  he  was 
dead.  Like  the  Kyoto  Mikados,  each  Shogun 
in  Yedo  had  two  different  deaths,  one  actual  and 
the  other  official.  It  was  thus  literally  true, 
among  the  Japanese,  who  are  destitute  of  the 
Western  sense  of  humor,  that  the  official  re- 
ports of  the  death  of  any  one  high  in  office  were 
“greatly  exaggerated.” 

This  mummery  and  trifling  with  time  and 
truth,  which  utterly  discredits  so  much  of  Japa- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


85 


nese  so-called  history,  is  slowly  but  surely  pas- 
sing away,  even  though  a lapse,  concerning  the 
dead  Empress,  again  took  place  in  1914.  The 
idea  is  thoroughly  Asiatic,  for  although  history 
is  silent  on  the  subject  of  King  Solomon’s  de- 
cease, fanciful  and  fashionable  Oriental  legend, 
in  the  Koran,  for  example,  declares  that  the 
announcement  of  his  death  was  kept  secret  for  a 
year. 

On  January  13,  1867,  the  heir  apparent,  Mu- 
tsuhito,  who  was  the  son  of  Komei,  by  Madame 
Yoshiko,  daughter  of  the  Dainagon,  or  First 
Adviser  of  State,  Nakayama,  a lady  of  the  Im- 
perial Court,  became  Mikado,  being  the  1 23rd  in 
the  line,  as  an  alien  counts.  He  “ascended  the 
throne”  or  was  inaugurated,  on  October  12, 
1868;  that  is,  he  was  vested  in  due  ceremony 
with  the  three  divine  regalia  of  sovereignty,  mir- 
ror, sword,  and  erystal  sphere.  His  name,  mean- 
ing “affectionate  and  humane,”  may  be  literally 
rendered  “Peaceful  Gentleman.”  The  word 
Into  means  man,  but  has  hardl)^  the  force  of  the 
same  term  in  English.  “Hito”  was  part  of  the 
sire’s  name,  just  as  the  same  syllables  are  in  the 
present  Emperor,  Yoshihito’s  name.  Mutsu  is 
the  root  word,  in  the  noble  and  endearing  terms 
mutsuhi  (affeetion,  intimacy,  love,  friendship), 
and  mutsuzoto  (the  affectionate  conversation  as 
between  husband  and  wife).  But  in  spite  of 
this  peaceful  cognomen  Japan’s  greatest  wars. 


86 


THE  MIKADO 


three  of  them  on  the  continent  of  Asia,  and  one 
domestic  rebellion,  the  most  tremendous  in  her 
history,  were  to  occur  during  his  reign.  Yet 
never,  also,  in  all  Japanese  history,  was  there  a 
man  more  worthy  of  his  name  or  more  truly  a 
prince  of  peace.  Opinions  may  differ  as  to  Mu- 
tsuhito’s  personal  abilities  or  the  real  part  played 
by  liiin  in  the  making  of  the  new  nation;  but  of 
his  winsome  character  and  attractive  humanity 
there  can  be  among  those  who  know  but  one 
judgment. 

In  old  Japan,  where  the  sense  of  personality 
was  weak,  a ruler’s  true  name  did  not  count  for 
much  in  popular  use.  One’s  cognomen  was 
usually  employed  in  public  only  in  a hostile  or 
disrespectful  sense,  if  at  all.  It  was  only  the 
intending  assassin  who  always  wrote  the  name, 
but  not  usually  the  rank  or  office  of  his  victim,  in 
the  self-justifying  document  which  he  carried  on 
his  person.  Usually  a man  was  spoken  of  by  his 
official  grade  or  profession.  In  all  ordinary 
speech  and  in  official  documents  the  living  name 
of  the  Emperor  is  avoided. 

Possibly  there  are  millions  of  J apanese  who  do 
not  even  know  the  Mikado’s  personal  name.  He 
is  to  them  simply  “the  Emperor.”  His  name, 
the  real  one,  to  us  blunt  Anglo-Saxon  people,  is 
in  J apan  his  imina,  or  name  not  to  be  spoken  and 
usually  given  at  the  age  of  fifteen.  The  ruler  of 
Everlastingly  Great  Japan  is  expected  to  be 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


87 


less  a personality  than  a sacred  figurehead.  The 
crown  which  Japan’s  sovereign  is  yet  to  wear  in 
honor,  above  all  his  predecessors,  is  the  crowu  of 
personality,  but  all  manhood  in  Japan  must  rise 
in  spiritual  worth  before  this  dignity  becomes 
that  of  the  sovereign. 

When  Mutsuhito  was  born,  November  3,  1852, 
the  Mississippi,  first  national  steam  propelled 
man-of-war  to  circumnavigate  the  globe,  was 
ready  for  her  momentous  voyage,  bearing  the 
letter  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  to 
the  “Emperor  of  Japan.”  Commodore  Perry 
and  Mutsuhito:  each  the  initiator  of  new  lines 
of  influence.  Converging — to  what  end?  Colli- 
sion or  coalition? 


CHAPTER  X 


THE  CHILDHOOD  OF  MUTSUHITO 

The  mother  of  the  babe  Mutsuhito  was  a lady 
of  the  Imperial  Court  belonging  to  the  household 
of  the  Emperor  Komei.  To  guard  against  fail- 
ure in  the  Imperial  line,  it  was  permitted  to 
the  Mikado  to  have  twelve  coneubines,  though  the 
number  was  rarely  tilled.  In  the  Meiji  era  the 
ladies  selected  from  high  noble  families  to  be  pos- 
sible mothers  of  emperors  were  chosen  by  the 
Privy  Council.  In  old  days  also  the  choice  of  the 
Mikado’s  consorts  was  an  affair  of  state.  Of  one 
of  these,  the  highly  honored  lady  Nii  no  Tsubone, 
the  Meiji  Emperor,  was  born.  “Tsubone,”  like 
“Mikado,”  signifies  a place,  rather  than  person, 
even  the  interior  apartments  of  the  Palace;  and 
specifically  chambers  set  apart  for  the  particu- 
lar person’s  own  use.  “Nii’  is  ni,  two,  and  ‘"i” 
rank.  In  other  words,  the  lady  Tsubone  held  the 
second  rank  at  court,  a very  high  one  indeed  for 
a woman,  and  next  to  that  of  the  Empress.  In 
every  country  in  which  polygamy  and  concubin- 
age are  institutions  there  is  a rich  vocabulary 
of  terms  by  which  the  status  of  both  is  dis- 
criminated, and  in  Japan  the  shofuku,  “born 


88 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


89 


of  a concubine,”  and  jio-slii,  “true-born”  (not 
adopted)  are  strietly  and  accurately  used. 

One  sees,  on  the  artistic  postal  cards  of  the 
Japan  of  to-day  and  the  photographs  and  pic- 
ture books  published  since  the  late  Emperor’s 
decease  in  1912,  abmidant  illustration  of  the 
natural  surroundings  of  the  Imperial  infant  with 
many  of  his  toys.  The  visitor  in  Kyoto  may  look 
at  the  Imperial  flower  gardens,  with  their  grand 
old  trees,  their  flowers,  rocks,  mounds,  ponds 
and  streams  of  water,  in  which  the  life  of  the  boy 
Emperor  was  spent,  and  amid  whieh  he  grew  up. 
The  building  and  rooms  in  which  babyhood  and 
childhood  were  passed  are  also  open  to  elect 
visitors. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  one  who  takes  his 
ideas  of  a “palace”  from  European  precedents 
and  models,  everything  about  the  abode  of  roy- 
alty in  Japan  of  the  old  days  suggests  exces- 
sive, even  austere  plainness.  Apart  from  the 
aetual  poverty  in  which  regents  and  Shoguns 
kept  their  Imperial  prisoner  in  Kyoto,  it  must 
be  remembered  that  the  simplicity  of  divinity 
marked  the  palace  of  the  Emperor,  because  in 
reality  this  august  edifice  was  a Miya,  a shrine, 
the  dwelling  of  a god,  the  temple  of  a Tenno,  or 
Son  of  Heaven.  Such  austere  plainness  was 
purposely  studied,  in  contrast  with  the  sj)lendor 
of  Nijo  Castle,  which  was  the  fortress  of  the 
Shogun’s  garrison.  The  majesty  of  the  Throne 


90 


THE  MIKADO 


of  straw  was  set  over  against  the  speetacular 
fierceness  of  the  Camp.  The  Imperial  seat,  now 
a curiosity  in  the  Tokyo  museum,  was  a mat 
raised  a few  inches  higher  than  the  floor.  The 
chill  of  winter  was  removed  by  braziers,  from 
which  glowing  charcoal,  laid  on  beds  of  fine  white 
ashes,  diffused  a genial  warmth.  Silk,  for  cover- 
ing the  cushions  were  abundant,  and  in  winter 
these  were  thickly  padded  with  cotton.  The 
food,  besides  being  delicate,  was  most  carefully 
prepared  and  ceremoniously  served.  F or  greater 
nicety  in  service,  the  kitchen  attendants  and  wait- 
ers bound  strips  of  paper  over  their  mouths. 

The  Mikado  was  never  allowed  to  set  his  foot 
upon  the  ground,  and  the  heir  apparent  was 
usually  carried  from  room  to  room.  When  he 
went  beyond  the  Palace  grounds,  as  might  occa- 
sionally be  the  case,  to  see  spring’s  cherry  blos- 
soms or  autumn’s  polychrome  foliage,  he  was 
shut  within  the  vehicle  from  the  gaze  of  any  and 
all  eager  eyes,  by  thick  curtains  of  split  bamboo. 
These  covered  both  the  outside  and  inside  of  the 
windows  of  the  equipage,  which  was  a gorgeous 
black  lacquered  cart  drawn  by  white  bullocks. 

In  other  words,  the  Mikado’s  life  in  the  Palace 
was  that  of  a puppet,  the  wires  being  held  by 
others.  Personality  was  reduced  as  nearly  to 
an  abstraction  as  possible,  and  individuality  was 
extinguished.  Did  an  Imperial  princess  sneeze, 
a maid  polished  her  nose  with  a paper  handker- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


91 


chief.  Would  she  drink  a cup  of  tea,  then  other 
hands  lifted  the  beverage  to  her  lips.  Did  the 
JMikado  mount  a horse,  etiquette  required  that 
four  men  should  assist  him  to  the  saddle. 

On  the  gold  paper  screens  of  the  artists  of  the 
Tosa  school  the  life  of  the  Emperor  during  the 
Kyoto  era  is  brilliantly  and  accurately  depicted. 
Here  we  see  that  His  JNIajesty  was  sheltered 
from  view,  not  only  when  on  the  throne,  while  his 
INIinisters  were  in  audience,  but  even  when  he 
enjoyed  the  classic  opera  and  pantomime  pieees 
called  No,  listening  to  the  music  of  the  Imperial 
musicians  and  watching  the  play  of  the  actors 
and  dancers.  Curtains  of  fine  bamboo  threads 
hid  “the  dragon  countenance”  from  either  vulgar 
or  noble  eyes  on  other  occasions.  Even  his  high- 
est JNIinisters,  when  with  him,  enjoying  music, 
mimicry  or  dancing,  must  not  turn  their  backs  to 
the  Son  of  Heaven;  but,  while  ear  and  eye  were 
delighted,  only  half  the  face  was  given  to  the 
actors. 

Thus  the  Mikados  of  Japan  droned  away  the 
days  of  the  years  of  their  lives.  No  doubt  they 
had  their  enjoyments.  In  the  artistic  decorations 
of  the  august  edifice,  in  the  lovely  freshness  of 
the  gardens,  in  the  games  and  amusements  which 
etiquette  allowed  to  the  inmates  of  the  Palace  and 
occupant  of  the  throne,  there  was  much  to  delight 
and  make  pass  pleasantly  the  hours  in  the  flower 
girt  prison. 


92 


THE  MIKADO 


One  might  indeed  make  a great  mistake  in 
depreciating  the  value  of  those  inner  resources 
of  delight  which  belong  to  every  native  of  Japan 
by  reason  of  his  inheritance  of  a rich  history  and 
of  a view  of  life  which,  through  the  cultivation 
of  beauty  and  sentiment,  yields  constant  and 
ennobling  enjoyment.  Even  to  his  latest  con- 
scious hour,  Mutsuhito  took  his  pleasures  in 
native  style,  preferring  what  was  indigenous  and 
delighting  chiefly  in  what  was  free  and  open  to 
every  one  of  his  subjects.  It  is  also  true  that 
many  of  the  youth  of  princely  or  Imperial  blood 
were  reared  in  almost  Spartan  severity  and  sim- 
2)licity.  Some  of  these  have  told  me  the  story 
of  their  early  days. 

Yet,  judging  by  the  fact  that  from  the  very 
first  moment  of  their  freedom  in  modern  days 
the  princes  of  the  blood  and  relatives  of  the 
Emperor  have  frequently  and  continuously 
travelled  abroad  in  the  great  world,  it  is  evident 
that,  however  refined  the  culture  of  the  Palace 
occupants  might  be,  theirs  was  a very  narrow 
round  of  existence.  Even  yet  it  is  an  open  ques- 
tion whether  life,  to  a normal  Japanese,  equals 
in  richness  and  depth  that  of  the  man  reared  in 
Christendom. 

Not  in  his  mind,  but  in  his  personal  habits  and 
round  of  life,  Mutsuhito  was  and  remained  a 
Japanese  of  Old  Japan.  In  his  middle  life  at 
least  he  disliked  travel,  ignored  his  various  coun- 


IXSTITUTIOX  AXD  PERSOX 


93 


try  palaces,  had  no  sympathy  with  those  who 
must  change  residence  in  simmier,  took  few  or  no 
holidays,  and  usually  moved  on  journeys  only 
through  compulsion,  or  at  least  the  constraint  of 
his  medical  advisers.  Happy  for  Japan,  so 
straitened  in  her  resources,  that  her  great  ruler 
lived  the  simple  life!  This  was  Mutsuhito’s 
patriotism — to  live  a frugal  and  at  times  an 
abstemious  life.  Extravaganve  at  the  court  would 
have  made  the  nation’s  victories  in  peace  and  war 
impossible. 

The  early  life  of  the  Meiji  Tenno  was  very  far 
from  being  that  “sealed  book”  which  is  thought 
by  some  to  be  the  true  emblem  of  the  existence  of 
the  Emperor  of  Japan.  Special  teachers  were 
assigned  to  him,  who  were  responsible  for  his 
education.  He  was  veiy  fond  of  geograply  and 
historic  asking  many  questions  about  the  coun- 
tries of  the  strangers  who  were  beginning  to  come 
to  his  father’s  dominions. 

During  most  of  his  boyhood  Mutsuhito  was 
placed  in  charge  of  one  of  the  noble  families  of 
the  Court.  He  was  far  from  being  pampered, 
for  his  father  gave  orders  that  he  should'  he 
brought  up  in  hardihood  and  with  plenty  of  out- 
door exercise.  This  physical  training  was  regu- 
lar and  moderately  severe.  Indeed,  this  fact 
explains  his  interest  in  manly  sports,  his  own 
generally  robust  health,  which  he  enjoyed  during 
his  later  career,  and  his  abihty  to  withstand  the 


94 


THE  IMIKADO 


severe  strain  of  forty-five  years  constant  public 
service.  JMost  of  his  time,  after  he  was  sixteen, 
was  passed  in  sedentary  occupations  and  in  a 
series  of  daily  details  of  duty,  the  routine  of  his 
life  being  only  occasionally  broken,  while  crises 
and  dangers  were  many  and  frequent.  He  rarely 
took  a formal  vacation  and  was  not  notably 
patient  with  those  who  prolonged  theirs. 

For  instruction  in  moral  and  political  phi- 
losophy he  was  put  under  charge  of  the  scholarly 
Nakamura,  a master  in  the  Confucian  philos- 
ophy, especially  as  expounded  and  reshaped  by 
Chu-Hi,  in  the  twelfth  century.  This  system  had 
been  formulated  after  China’s  disastrous  experi- 
ment, continued  during  a generation  or  two,  in 
populism  or  socialism.  Chu-Hi’s  tenets  formed 
tlie  basis  of  the  creed  of  most  educated  gentlemen 
of  eastern  Asia. 

In  after  life  it  is  known  that  Mutsuhito  took  a 
direct  and  personal  interest  in  schools  and  educa- 
tion, visiting,  advising,  calling  to  his  presence 
and  questioning  the  officers  charged  with  public 
instruction.  Such  interest  arose  from  personal 
experience,  for  all  his  life  the  Meiji  Mikado  was 
a reader  and  student.  Very  much  the  same 
praise  may  be  given  to  the  Empress,  so  we  know 
she  spoke  out  of  her  own  heart  when  she  wrote 
the  poem  “Wisdom’s  Goal,”  for  the  maidens  at 
the  Peeress’  School  in  Tokjm: 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


95 


“The  water  placed  in  goblet,  bowl  or  cup 
Changes  its  form  to  its  receptacle ; 

And  so  our  plastic  souls  take  various  shapes 
And  characters  of  good  or  ill,  to  fit 
The  good  or  evil  in  the  friends  we  choose. 
Therefore  be  ever  careful  in  your  choice  of  friends. 
And  let  your  special  love  be  given  to  those 
Whose  strength  of  character  may  prove  the  whip 
That  drives  you  ever  to  fair  Wisdom’s  goal.” 

It  was  impossible  to  keep  from  the  bright  boy 
in  the  Palaee  a knowledge  of  the  great  events 
already  happening  “Within  the  Four  Seas.” 
Even  when  he  was  but  five  years  old  the  Ameri- 
can envoy,  Mr.  Townsend  Harris,  was  in  Yedo, 
demanding  the  Emperor’s  signature  to  the  pro- 
visional treaty  and  threatening  to  go  to  Kyoto 
himself,  unless  the  business  was  despatched.  The 
calling  of  a great  assembly  of  the  Court  Nobles, 
to  debate  before  the  Throne  the  question  of  open- 
ing the  country  to  foreign  residence  and  com- 
merce, five  years  after  Perry  had  secured  for 
sailors  the  right  of  entrance  for  food  and  sup- 
plies, involved  a social  revolution.  To  admit  the 
despised  trader  and  moneymaker,  who  had  then 
no  standing  in  Japanese  society,  seemed  impiety 
to  the  “gods”  and  the  destruction  of  the  whole 
fabric  of  order  and  decency.  Osahito  (Komei) 
expressed  his  feelings  in  a verse: 

“Perish  my  body  ’neath  the  cold  clear  wave  of  some 
dark  well. 

But  let  no  foreign  foot 

Pollute  the  water  with  its  presence  here.” 


96 


THE  MIKADO 


It  was  on  April  19,  1857,  that  the  Congress 
of  eighty  Court  Nobles  assembled  before  the 
Mikado  Komei  and  gave  their  views  of  the  situa- 
tion. It  was  comparatively  easy  for  the  men  fur- 
ther east,  in  Yedo  and  nearer  the  aliens  and  their 
ships,  to  get  at  least  some  clear  knowledge  of  the 
outside  world.  They  knew  too  well  the  power 
and  stern  purposes  of  the  Western  nations.  But 
in  Kyoto  it  was  scarcely  possible  for  the  palace 
hermits  to  gain  any  guiding  light  on  this  partic- 
ular subject.  These  recluses  were  well  versed  in 
that  consummate  craft  which  springs  only  from 
intrigue  and  personal  politics,  while  they  were  as 
yet  children  in  their  acquaintance  with  the  move- 
ments of  thought,  the  methods  of  procedure,  and 
the  tremendous  power  of  the  strangers.  The 
most  enlightened  men  of  Japan  were  those  who 
knew  that  the  “barbarians”  were  strong  at  home. 

The  proposal  to  open  social  relations  by  means 
of  a treaty  was  bitterly  opposed,  and  every  means 
was  used  to  poison  the  Mikado  Komei’s  mind 
against  the  Harris  treaty.  Messengers  moved 
to  and  fro  between  the  City  of  the  Throne  and 
the  City  of  the  Camp.  Spiritualism  in  Japan 
is  a procedure  of  the  Government,  proposed  as 
a political  expedient  by  members  of  the  Diet, 
even  in  1914.  So  the  great  lyeyasu,  dead  for 
two  centurieSj  was  consulted.  This  was  done  by 
taking  a copy  of  the  treaty  and  laying  it  on  his 
tomb.  No  answer  by  rap,  knock,  whisper  or 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


97 


word  is  recorded.  ]\Ir.  Harris  vibrated  between 
Shimoda  and  Yedo.  The  Shogun’s  envoy  in 
Kyoto  kept  busy.  Again  the  nobles  laid  their 
hostile  views  before  the  Emperor.  American, 
British,  Russian,  and  Dutch  w^ar-ships  kept  com- 
ing into  Yedo  Bay  to  press  matters,  yet  the 
IMikado  would  not  consent.  AVliat  was  to  be 
done?  Was  Japan  to  go  the  waj'"  of  Poland, 
Java,  China  or  India?  As  Persia  and  Korea 
have  since  gone? 

Taking  the  responsibility,  li  signed  the  pro- 
visional American  treaty.  When  eight  days 
afterward,  this  virtual  defiance  of  his  orders  was 
announced  to  the  IMikado,  Komei,  “His  Majesty 
was  said  to  have  been  much  enraged.”  He  fasted 
six  days;  that  is,  he  abstained  from  animal  food 
and  wine,  and  prayed  to  “the  gods  of  the  sixty 
provinces.”  This  was  because  of  the  multiplying 
troubles  introduced  from  foreign  countries. 
Nevertheless  the  gods  stirred  not.  Portents  mul- 
tiplied. The  imported  pestilence,  “kurori,”  or 
cholera,  swept  off  thousands  of  the  people.  A 
comet  appeared  in  the  western  sky.  Such  signs 
of  disturbed  nature  only  added  to  the  inveterate 
personal  prejudices  of  the  last  of  the  sequestered 
Mikados.  The  Imperial  heart  was  hardened 
against  the  aliens. 

The  regent  li  showed  his  power.  Foreign 
ships  coming  more  numerously,  the  merchants 
were  notified  that  trade  with  the  foreigners  was 


98 


THE  MIKADO 


permitted  at  the  treaty  ports,  but  none  must  wear 
foreign  elothes  or  hats.  From  the  castle  of  Nijo 
in  Kyoto  the  iron  hand  of  the  Yedo  Premier 
was  stretched  forth  to  smite  his  opponents  even 
unto  death.  Scores  of  patriotic  partisans  of  the 
Emjjeror,  and  Jo-i,  or  foreign  haters,  were 
arrested  in  Kyoto  and  other  places  and  clapped 
into  prison.  Among  the  righteous  men  com- 
pelled to  die  by  their  own  hands,  or  decapitated, 
was  Dr.  Hashimoto  Sanai,  of  Fukui,  Echizen, 
“of  Alazzini-like  intellect,”  whose  brother  after- 
ward, in  Tokyo,  became  physician  in  the  Im- 
perial Palace.  Sanai’s  posthumously  published 
writings  are  notable. 

In  1909,  after  fifty  years  of  controversy  and 
the  persistent  and  hounding  opposition  of  ultra- 
Mikadoists,  who  showed  an  excess  of  rancor  over 
logic  and  far  more  fanaticism  than  understand- 
ing of  history,  a bronze  statue  of  Premier  li  was 
reared  at  Yokohama.  The  pen  of  Shimada 
Sahuro,  in  his  book,  translated  by  Henry  Satoh, 
entitled  “Agitated  Japan,”  helped  vastly  in  the 
good  work  of  justly  awarding  honor. 


CHAPTER  XI 


STEPS  TOWARD  NATIONAL  UNITY 

The  dear  headed  alien,  free  from  the  folly  and 
fanaticism  of  pseudo-Mikadoism,  fearing  not  the 
taint  of  heresy  of  the  Japanese  variety,  and  who 
places  the  nation  above  its  ruler,  however  august, 
discerns  in  li,  the  Yedo  Premier,  a man  born  for 
the  hour.  With  all  his  limitations  and  mistakes, 
this  man  was  the  savior  of  Japan.  Without 
him,  Japan  might  have  suffered  vast  humilia- 
tions akin  to  those  of  India  and  China. 

While  the  Kyoto  people  were  as  ostriches,  with 
heads  buried  in  the  midst  of  perils,  the  man  in 
Yedo  saw  clearly  what  would  ensue  if  the  for- 
eigners were  defied.  Apart  from  political  neces- 
sity, li  had  no  desire  to  humble  the  Imperial 
hermit  or  punish  his  advisers.  When,  on  account 
of  the  troubles  in  the  country,  there  was  among 
these  men,  who  dressed  in  silk  and  damask  and 
were  heaven  high  in  pride,  while  yet  beggarly 
in  poverty,  actual  suffering  for  food  and  the  com- 
forts of  life,  the  Yedo  Government  made  an 
offering  to  the  Mikado  of  5,000  pieces  of  gold, 
while  the  Court  Nobles  received  20,000  rios  (or 
taels),  certain  of  them  being  elsewise  specially 

99 


100 


THE  MIKADO 


rewarded.  In  spite  of  this,  however,  the  Premier 
li  was  set  upon  by  assassins  and  slain  in  Yedo, 
March  24,  1860,  though  his  death  officially  did 
not  occur  until  May  20,  and  he  was  buried  on 
May  30. 

Following  upon  the  murders  by  the  ronin  (or 
feudal  retainers  who  had  left  the  service  of  their 
masters),  and  the  foreigners  of  all  countries  hav- 
ing taken  up  their  residence  in  Yedo,  the  assas- 
sin’s trade  flourished  and  official  steps  were 
“taken  to  guard  against  mischief.”  The  death  of 
their  chief  represser  had  evidently  encouraged 
the  foreign  haters  at  the  Imperial  Court,  also, 
for  on  August  5 the  Mikado  issued  a command 
that  all  the  barbarians  in  the  Holy  Country 
should  be  expelled.  Paper  and  ink  for  the  mak- 
ing of  Imperial  fiats  were  cheap  and  proclama- 
tions numerous,  but  while  this  Kyoto  industry 
was  thriving,  more  ships  from  Europe  and  Amer- 
ica kept  coming. 

In  Yedo  it  was  proposed  that  the  young  Sho- 
gun should  marry  an  Imperial  Princess,  and 
Kadzu,  younger  sister  of  Mikado  Komei,  was 
the  one  selected.  A famous  lady  of  the  Shogun’s 
house,  well  skilled  in  the  ways  of  court  craft  and 
personal  politics,  named  Amenokoji,  was  sent  to 
Kyoto  to  arrange  the  match.  The  princess  was 
to  leave  the  Flowery  City  for  the  place  of  turmoil 
in  the  Far  East,  where  strangers  were  daily 
increasing  in  numbers  and  insolence. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


101 


N ow  that  Peking  had  been  captured  and  China 
had  been  humbled  by  the  earth  hungry  Euro- 
peans, who  were  likely  to  seize  new  land  wher- 
ever they  could,  certain  barons  were  put  in  charge 
of  Yezo  to  guard  and  garrison  it.  Even  the 
cold  and  bleak  island  of  Saghalien  was  to  be 
held  against  Russian  aggression,  which  had  been 
proceeding  steadily  during  the  century.  It  was 
also  thought  that  greater  care  must  be  taken  to 
protect  Kyoto. 

On  the  twenty-eighth  day  of  the  ninth  month 
(November  10,  1860),  the  Japanese  embassy 
having  returned  from  America,  the  Imperial 
Prince  Mutsuhito,  now  eight  years  old,  was  pro- 
claimed heir  and  successor  to  the  throne.  The 
increasing  importance  of  foreign  affairs  was 
recognized  by  the  appointment  of  the  able 
Daimio  Ando,  lord  of  Tsushima,  as  sole  chief 
director.  It  was  this  feudal  baron’s  island  pos- 
sessions that  were,  a few  months  later,  occupied, 
and  not  without  the  shedding  of  blood,  by  the 
Russians.  A monument  was  erected  in  1905  in 
honor  of  the  barrier  guardsmen  slain  by  tbe 
Czar’s  marines  in  1860;  and  not  many  leagues 
from  this  spot,  in  1905,  also.  Admiral  Togo’s 
cannon  sank  the  Russian  battleships,  part  of  the 
Muscovite  armada  being  fired  on  by  the  guns  of 
the  fort  on  the  island,  which  had  been  stained  by 
the  defenders’  blood  in  1860.  The  Japanese  of 
our  day  see  poetic  justice  in  this. 


102 


THE  MIKADO 


The  authorities  in  Yedo  were  mightily  pleased 
with  the  success  of  their  matrimonial  negotiations 
in  Kyoto.  They  at  once  showed  their  apprecia- 
tion by  distributing  15,000  rios  among  the  Court 
Nobles.  There  was  delay  in  the  marriage,  but  a 
few  weeks  later  the  rank  of  the  bride-elect  was 
raised  from  that  of  Miya,  that  is,  simply  daughter 
of  the  Emperor,  to  that  of  Nai-shin-no  or  Im- 
perial Princess,  and  the  marriage  day  fixed.  The 
political  meaning  of  this  wedding,  of  the  boy 
Shogun  with  the  little  girl  from  Kyoto,  lay  in 
the  hojDed  for  union  of  Mikado  and  Shogun  in 
one  government. 

On  the  twentieth  of  the  promised  month,  she 
set  out  from  Kyoto,  making  in  twenty-three  daj’^s 
the  journey  by  palanquin  over  the  Eastern  Sea 
Road,  which  would  now  be  performed  in  less  than 
one  day  by  steam  and  rail.  Arriving  in  Yedo, 
December  27,  she  was  entertained  at  the  resi- 
dence of  Lord  Shimadzu.  About  a month  later 
the  bride-elect  entered  the  castle,  where  on 
March  22,  1861,  the  marriage  ceremony  took 
place.  The  vast  structure  had  been  rebuilt  after 
the  fire,  and  operatic  performances  called  No 
were  enjoyed  in  honor  of  the  re-erection.  The 
princess  was  now  styled  Mi-dai,  which  was  the 
honorable  term  applied  to  the  wife  of  a Shogun. 
Born  on  June  4,  1846,  in  the  same  year  with  her 
husband,  she  was,  when  made  a bride,  but  four- 
teen years  old.  No  children  were  born  of  this 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


103 


union,  so  the  usual  process  of  securing  heirs  was 
followed.  By  adoption  Keiki,  the  last  Shogun, 
was  her  son,  and  by  the  same  legal  procedure 
Prince  lyesato,  the  present  head  of  the  Toko- 
ugawa  family  (1915),  is  her  grandson.  Short 
was  her  wedded  life,  for  on  September  19,  1866, 
at  Osaka,  her  husband,  not  quite  twenty  years 
old,  died. 

All  earthly  glory  being  over  for  her,  when  so 
soon  left  a widow,  she  had  her  hair  shaved  off, 
took  the  vows  of  a Buddhist  nun  and  lived  the 
rest  of  her  life  in  the  nunnery,  in  which  she  died 
September  13,  1877.  Her  funeral  formed  one 
of  the  grandest  civil,  military  and  Buddhist  page- 
ants ever  seen  in  the  chief  city  of  the  nation.  She 
came  to  Yedo  in  its  feudal  glory.  She  died  in 
Tokyo,  the  Imperial  capital. 

The  foreign  haters  and  the  patriots,  as  eager 
to  destroy  the  Yedo  system  as  to  see  the  JNIikado 
restored  to  sole  authority,  were  not  yet  satisfied. 
Indeed  they  were  very  angry  at  the  idea  of  the 
Emperor’s  sister  being  taken  to  Yedo  to  increase 
the  prestige  of  “the  Camp”  and  the  “Curtain 
Government.”  Again  the  assassin’s  sword 
leaped  from  its  sheath.  On  February  14,  1862, 
as  the  train  of  the  Minister  Ando,  reputed  to  be 
favorable  to  foreigners,  was  approaching  the 
castle  in  Yedo,  a desperate  band  of  eighteen  men 
suddenly  assaulted  the  procession  with  bullet  and 
sword.  In  the  fight  a dozen  men  were  left  killed 


104 


THE  MIKADO 


or  wounded  on  the  ground.  This  street  battle 
prefigured  the  civil  war  yet  to  come. 

As  usual,  each  of  the  assailants  had  on  his 
person  a written  paper  declaring  his  purpose  to 
sacrifice  his  own  life,  in  order  to  kill  the  “wicked 
traitor”  for  imprisoning  loyal  Court  Nobles  and 
for  so  far  abusing  the  influence  of  the  Yedo  Gov- 
ernment as  to  bring  the  Mikado’s  sister  to  Yedo, 
and,  worst  of  all,  because  he  had  “commanded 
learned  Japanese  scholars  to  collect  precedents 
for  the  deposition  of  the  Emperor,  his  intention 
being  to  depose  the  Son  of  Heaven.”  The  assail- 
ants were  retainers  of  Hori,  lord  of  Ise,  who, 
some  time  before,  after  a violent  discussion  with 
the  INIinister  Ando,  on  foreign  matters,  had  com- 
mitted hara-kiri.  Here  was  Mikadoism  incar- 
nate, ramjjant  and  blood  red!  Yet  hardly  less 
amenable  to  reason  and  fact  is  the  ink  black  fanati- 
cism of  the  penmen  of  1912,  who  in  discussing 
Mikadoism,  the  relation  of  the  Emperor  to  the 
State,  fly  in  the  face  of  history,  while  maligning 
their  opponents. 

Shortly  after  this  bloody  episode  of  1862  the 
men  of  Satsuma,  in  the  train  of  the  famous  Shi- 
madzu  Saburo,  were  met  on  their  way  to  Yedo 
by  a great  band  of  ronin,  or  free  lances,  eager  to 
drive  out  the  foreigners  from  Japan.  Their  pro- 
gramme was  to  take  by  assault  the  castle  of 
Osaka,  and  then  burn  that  of  Hikone,  the  old 
home  of  the  Premier  li  and  of  his  successor,  who 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


105 


had  the  guardianship  of  Kyoto.  After  this  they 
would  march  on  Kyoto  and  slaughter  the  Sho- 
gun’s garrison  in  the  castle  at  Nijo.  All 
obstacles  being  thus  removed,  they  could  enter 
the  Palace,  seize  the  divine  person,  give  the  color 
and  prestige  of  law  to  their  proceeduigs,  carry 
the  Son  of  Heaven  in  his  Phoenix  Car  eastward 
over  the  mountains  to  Yedo,  and  sweep  all  for- 
eigners before  them.  Here  was  Mikadoism  and 
their  duty,  as  the  ronin,  or  masterless  and  lawless 
men,  saw  it. 

It  was  no  easy  matter  to  handle  such  a body  of 
determined  fellows,  but  Shimadzu  let  them  escort 
him  as  far  as  Fushimi.  Though  Kyoto  was  in 
frightful  alarm  about  these  “wave  men,”  yet 
Shimadzu  entered  the  capital,  cahned  the  ronin 
and  then  marched  to  Yedo.  While  there  the 
heads  of  the  two  clans,  Choshiu  and  Satsuma, 
rivals  for  centuries,  became  friends. 

This  action  was  prophetic  of  the  future  unity 
of  a Japan  long  divided  by  feudal  jealousies. 
The  Satsuma  men  excelled  in  military,  the  Cho- 
shiu in  civil  virtues.  Most  of  the  great  command- 
ers on  sea  and  land,  within  the  last  fifty  years, 
have  been  from  the  more  southern,  nearly  all  the 
eminent  statesmen  from  the  more  western  com- 
munity. The  happy  union  of  these  talents,  like 
wings,  equal  in  power  yet  different,  has  enabled 
triumphant  Nippon  to  win  her  place  among  the 
nations. 


106 


THE  MIKADO 


Nevertheless,  the  Lord  of  Satsuma  was  not 
happy.  Both  his  request  to  be  allowed  to  return 
home  by  steamer,  and,  as  it  is  said,  audience  of 
the  Shogun  had  been  refused,  the  proud  Daimio 
being  referred  to  subordinate  councillors:  “Yedo 
tyranny”  again! 

On  September  14  Shimadzu  left  the  eastern 
city,  resolved  on  bringing  the  Shogun  into  trou- 
ble with  the  foreigners,  so  as  to  weaken  the  power 
of  Yedo. 

As  his  proud  knights  rode  along  the  high  road 
they  came  into  collision  with  four  English  people 
who  were  destined  to  learn  how  different  “these 
people”  were  from  the  peaceful  Chinese.  The 
latter  usually  made  no  resistance  to  the  strangers 
from  Europe,  who  were  accustomed  to  use  their 
walking  sticks  on  the  heads  of  common  folks. 
Again  the  sword  left  its  scabbard,  and  Mr.  Rich- 
ardson was  killed. 

Instead  of  the  Shogun’s  being  embroiled  with 
foreigners  the  blame  was  laid  wholly  upon  Sa- 
tsuma. A British  squadron  bombarded  Kago- 
shima, August  15,  1863,  and  the  clansmen  had  to 
pay  an  indemnity  of  $100,000. 

Nevertheless  the  clan  won  revenge  and  re- 
couped itself  by  a clever  stroke  of  statecraft. 
Under  their  dictation  the  lord  of  Echizen,  as 
we  have  seen,  abolished  the  custom  of  the  Dai- 
mios’  forced  residence  in  Yedo.  This  action  had 
the  effect  of  gathering  the  feudal  barons  and  their 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


107 


retainers  at  Kyoto,  the  Imperial  city  becoming 
the  center  of  political  activity.  F or  the  first  time 
in  over  tvi^o  hundred  years,  the  Shogun  made  a 
journey  to  Kyoto,  doing  homage  and  receiving 
orders  from  the  Emperor  Komei.  The  tide  of 
Mikadoism  was  rising  to  flood. 


CHAPTER  XII 


ATTEMPT  TO  KIDNAP  THE  MIKADO 

Because  the  British  warships  had  sailed  away 
from  Kagoshima  the  Mikado  Komei,  interpret- 
ing the  issue  as  a victory,  promulgated  an  edict 
expressing  his  admiration  of  Satsuma’s  bravery, 
and  ordered  his  envoy  to  demand  once  more  from 
the  Yedo  authorities  the  expulsion  of  the  for- 
eigners. In  fact.  His  Imperial  Majesty  had 
presented  the  Shogun  with  a sword  for  his 
appointed  task. 

As  matter  of  simple  fact,  that  bombardment 
was  a powerful  factor  in  the  education  of  the 
proudest  of  the  Japanese  clans.  It  led  to  great 
searchings  of  heart  and  resolves  to  enter  on  a 
new  path.  From  this  date  the  Satsuma  men 
ceased  their  opposition  to  strangers  and  resolved 
rather  to  borrow  their  power.  They  at  once 
began  the  introduction  of  mills,  foundries, 
schools  and  dispensaries.  Their  experiences  had 
made  them  ready  also  to  drop  their  jealousies 
and  sectionalism,  and  enter  upon  union  with  other 
clans  to  secure  a common  result. 

His  Majesty  Komei  held  a great  review  of  his 
drilled  troops  near  the  Sun  Gate  in  Kyoto  and 

108 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


109 


announced  that  he  should  proceed  to  Yumoto 
to  worship  at  the  shrine  of  Jimniu  Tenno.  After 
this  he  should  hold,  on  Mount  Kasuga,  a grand 
council  of  war  and  then  proceed  in  person  to  the 
punishment  of  Choshiu. 

This  last  resolve  was  taken  because  there  was 
a band  of  Choshiu  men  then  in  Kyoto,  who  had 
come  to  kidnap  the  Emperor,  so  that  they  could 
issue  laws  and  cany  out  their  wishes  in  the  Imper- 
ial name.  This  Choshiu  scheme  was  nothing  else 
than  a political  form,  in  military  force,  of  the  old 
trick  of  “god  possessed”  village  fishermen  bear- 
ing the  shrine  of  deity,  and  on  the  anniversary 
festival  incarnating  his  “Rough  Spirit”  by  smash- 
ing the  shops  and  dwellings  of  unpopular  and 
sinful  men  who  had  offended  the  community. 

Immediately  there  was  great  excitement.  The 
gates  of  the  Palace  were  shut  and  the  Choshiu 
men  forbidden  to  remain  in  the  capital.  The 
southerners  took  the  hint  and  made  hasty  exit. 
Prince  Sanjo  and  six  other  Court  Nobles,  favor- 
able to  Choshiu,  also  retired  to  the  south.  These 
seven  dignitaries  were  officially  deprived  of  their 
offices  and  titles. 

Quiet  had  not  yet  returned  to  Japan.  The 
annals  relate  that  the  runaways  of  many  clans, 
from  all  over  the  countrj^  men  who  had  left  the 
service  of  their  former  lords,  were  active  not  only 
in  preying  upon  merchants  and  farmers  to  get 
means  of  support,  but  also  in  taking  off  the  heads 


no 


THE  MIKADO 


of  the  shoj)  keepers  who  traded  in  foreign  goods 
and  of  persons  who  were  politically  obnoxious. 

It  is  a monotonous  story,  of  this  and  that  man 
having  his  head  sheared  off  and  stuck  on  a pole, 
or  a pillory,  though  more  usually  upon  one  of 
the  city  gates.  Scores  of  skulls,  removed  from 
their  trunks  by  the  sword,  decorated  the  tiled 
roofs  of  these  go-mon,  or  the  walls  adjoining. 
Not  a few  houses  or  temples  were  burned,  in 
which  dwelt  or  lodged  those  who  were  in  favor  of 
foreign  intercourse.  In  every  case,  when  the 
ruffians  could  not  at  once  reach  their  victims,  they 
gave  them  notice  that  they  were  marked  for  the 
“vengeance  of  Heaven,”  the  murderers  consid- 
ering themselves  “the  divine  instruments  of  jus- 
tice.” This  was  the  rougher  side  of  Bushido. 
One  is  quite  able  to  understand  events  in  the 
modern  history  of  Korea  and  China,  who  studies 
the  details  of  this  era  in  Japan. 

In  a land  which  has  no  newspapers  or  ballots, 
but  only  the  despotism  either  of  monarchs,  oli- 
garchs or  mobs,  the  sword  is  the  time  honored 
instrument  in  securing  unanimity  of  opinion  in 
propagation  of  dogma.  By  removing  their  heads, 
the  criticism  of  opposers  ceased.  The  wearers 
of  the  sword  {katana)  became  the  brothers  of 
the  assassins  and  incendiaries,  who  were,  at  this 
time,  the  real  governors  of  Japan.  Bushido  was 
being  illustrated  in  sinister  fashion.  The  ronin  is 
the  intermediate  figure  between  Japan’s  deca- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


111 


dent  feudalism  and  constitutional  government. 

The  two  sworded  men  seemed  to  have  reverted 
to  the  old  headlmnting  customs  of  their  JNIalay 
ancestors,  and  to  the  practice  of  filling  the  skull 
shelf,  which  is  still  common  among  their  distant 
kinsmen,  the  copper  colored  aborigines  of  For- 
mosa, whom  in  1915  they  are  still  fighting.  In 
some  cases  the  ronin  contented  themselves  with 
chopping  off  with  their  swords  the  wooden  heads 
from  the  images  of  famous  usurpers  who  in  times 
past  had  curtailed  or  compromised  the  INIikado’s 
authority.  In  one  instance  they  entered  a temple 
in  Kyoto,  and  with  their  swords  changed  a row 
of  seven  lacquered  statues  of  the  Ashikaga  re- 
gents, who  had  ruled  from  A.D.  1219  to  1333, 
into  as  many  torsos.  Echizen,  the  military  gov- 
ernor of  Kyoto,  took  vigorous  measures  of  re- 
pression. Such  a cult  of  symbolism  was  not  to  be 
encouraged,  but  it  spread,  and  Japan  added  one 
more  variety  in  religion  to  her  rich  assortment. 

It  is  to  be  noticed,  in  all  this  agitation  against 
the  foreigners  and  their  ways  and  works,  that 
there  was  never,  as  has  been  so  often  the  case  in 
old  China,  such  a thing  as  a popular  outbreak  or 
uprising,  for  the  people  had  no  real  objection  to 
the  nation’s  guests,  or  to  their  trade,  which  was 
much  desired.  Acts  of  violence  issued  only  from 
a minority  within  the  body  of  Samurai  or  gentry, 
mostly  ronin.  These  ferocious  and  morbidly 
egotistic  exemplars  of  Bushido,  or  Japanese 


112 


THE  MIKADO 


Imightly  culture  and  morality,  believed  they  were 
doing  Heaven,  earth,  and  common  man  service 
hy  turning  themselves  into  assassins  and  ineen- 
diaries.  One  can  see  amid  what  excitements,  in 
the  palace  as  well  as  without,  Mutsuhito  grew  up. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  result  of  Satsuma’s 
attempt  to  measure  forces  with  foreigners  was 
tliat  they  come  to  believe  as  Echizen  did.  Indeed, 
they  were  soon  found  to  be  the  nation’s  leaders 
in  the  making  of  intelligent  public  opinion.  It 
was  manifestly  useless  to  waste  resources  in 
attacking  the  aliens  directly.  They  perceived  that, 
in  some  manner,  the  power  of  the  whole  nation 
must  he  concentrated.  At  Kyoto,  to  whieh  the 
Shogun  had  again  come,  the  Satsuma  men,  per- 
suaded by  Echizen,  were  found  urging  the  Court 
to  reestablish  the  Tokugawa  family  in  power, 
giving  it  the  direction  of  the  national  policy. 
Kyoto  was  to  remain  the  center  of  authority,  the 
Shoguns  receiving  the  imperial  investiture  in  suc- 
cession to  their  office.  The  barons  were  to  lend 
all  aid  in  supporting  the  Mikado  and  Court,  while 
the  nine  gates  of  the  Imperial  Palace  were  to  be 
guarded  hy  the  Shogun’s  most  loyal  vassals. 

This  decision  of  Satsuma  was  not  understood 
by  the  Choshiu  men,  and  it  made  them  intensely 
indignant.  Their  rivalry  and  quarrels  broke  out 
afresh  and  Choshiu  became,  from  the  hostile  point 
of  view,  the  resort  of  runaways  from  all  parts  of 
the  Empire.  In  the  eyes  of  others,  it  was  seen 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


113 


that  the  ablest  and  most  ambitious  young  men, 
the  men  of  to-morrow,  sought  this  province  as 
that  from  which  the  future  was  to  be  dictated. 

Again  their  plot  was  attempted.  Hundreds  of 
regular  and  irregular  troops  marched  up  from 
Choshiu  to  Kyoto.  On  August  20,  1864,  they 
endeavored  to  seize  the  JNIikado’s  person  by  mak- 
ing a rush  upon  the  gates  of  the  Imperial  Palace, 
then  guarded  by  the  clansmen  of  Fukui,  Echizen. 
The  kidnappers  hoped  to  capture  the  Son  of 
Heaven,  and  carry  out  their  wishes  through  him. 
The  onset  was  made  in  two  divisions,  numbering 
in  all  about  a thousand  men.  The  battle  was  now 
“at  the  base  of  the  chariot,”  even  on  the  Mikado’s 
doorstep. 

The  first  onslaught  was  successful.  In  wild 
flight  the  forces  then  commanded  by  Keiki,  who 
afterward  became  Shogun,  were  driven  away, 
when  suddenly  three  hundred  Satsuma  men,  mak- 
ing a flank  attack  with  field  pieces,  drove  back 
the  assailants.  The  other  division,  at  first  win- 
ning easy  victory,  was  later  repulsed.  Bullets 
flew  in  showers  in  and  about  the  Imperial  Pal- 
ace, and  Mutsuhito,  the  future  Emperor,  learned 
what  war  is. 

The  heaviest  fighting  took  place  when,  after 
the  Echizen  and  Kuwana  forces  had  been  re- 
pidsed,  the  lord  of  Hikone  came  up  with  large 
reinforcements.  Then  the  loyal  troops  re-formed, 
charged  in  mighty  mass  and  routed  the  Choshiu 


114- 


THE  MIKADO 


men.  Fire  breaking  out,  and  the  eannonade 
being  kept  up  to  hinder  the  wouldbe  kidnappers 
of  the  Mikado  from  hiding,  a large  part  of  the 
eity  was  destroyed. 

I heard  the  story  of  this  battle  from  the  lips 
of  Eehizen  men,  who  took  part  in  defending  the 
Palace. 

The  beaten  southerners,  not  discouraged, 
gathered  to  renew  the  conflict,  waiting  only  for 
the  arrival  of  their  lord  from  Choshiu  to  begin 
again.  He,  however,  on  reaching  Kyoto,  having 
learned  of  the  bombardment  of  Shimonoseki  on 
September  4,  1864,  by  seventeen  vessels  of  the 
allied  fleets  of  four  nations.  Great  Britain, 
France,  Holland  and  the  United  States, 
discouraged  any  further  military  operations. 
Despite  the  protests  of  Ito  and  Inouye,  just 
returned  from  Europe,  the  Choshiu  men  had 
encouraged  hostilities  and  had  fought  the  allies’ 
fleet. 

Mutsuhito  now  looked  upon  the  Blossom  Capi- 
tal, thus  turned  into  a battle  field.  It  presented 
an  awful  scene  of  ruin  and  desolation,  when  the 
smoke  of  the  war  fires  cleared  away.  Over  eigh- 
teen palaces  of  nobles,  forty-four  of  the  great 
caravanseries  of  the  Daimios,  and  27,000  houses 
were  burned.  Sixty  Shinto  shrines,  115  Bud- 
dhist temples,  forty  bridges,  three  theatres, 
besides  the  habitations  of  the  common  people, 
and  a village  of  Eta,  or  pariahs,  were  destroyed. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


115 


Thus  in  a circle  of  blood  and  fire  did  the  Palace 
boy,  the  future  Emperor,  JMutsuhito,  receive  his 
baptism. 

Turning  to  the  southwest,  the  other  focus  of 
disturbance,  at  Shimonoseki,  we  find  that  the 
Choshiu  clansmen,  having  measured  their  re- 
sources against  the  outside  world  in  naval  war, 
had  the  same  experiences  as  Satsuma.  The  sound 
thrashing  which  they  received  taught  them  the 
folly  of  fractions  fighting  wholes.  They  now 
saw  themselves  in  the  light  of  the  old  Chinese 
story  of  the  swarm  of  bees  trying  to  sting  the 
tortoise  through  its  armor.  Yet  to  show  the 
world  that  they  were  really  aiming  at  the  Sho- 
gun and  the  Yedo  usurpation,  rather  than  at  the 
foreigners,  the  intelligent  leaders  of  the  great 
clan  wished,  even  when  beaten,  to  open  the  city 
of  Shimonoseki  to  foreign  commerce.  The 
Choshiu  men  even  proposed  to  send  indepen- 
dent envoys  to  England  to  effect  their  object. 
This  they  could  not  do,  for  the  Shogun’s  Gov- 
ernment preferred  to  pay  the  hea\w  indemnity 
of  $3,000,000  rather  than  open  more  ports. 

The  Yedo  bureaucrats  took  their  medieine 
calmly.  The  hea\y  indemnity  was  intended  to 
be  extortionate,  so  as  to  compel  the  Shogun  to 
yield  to  the  demands  of  commerce  and  open  new 
ports.  The  instalment  of  500,000  INIexican  dol- 
lars was  paid  September  I,  1865,  bringing  the 
treasury  in  Yedo  to  almost  a state  of  emptiness 
and  compelling  the  issue  of  paper  money. 


116 


THE  MIKADO 


Hitherto  the  great  Choshiu  clan  had  been 
divided  into  factions,  of  which  one  was  called  the 
Vulgar  View  Party.  The  other  had  taken  no 
part  in  the  attack  on  the  capital.  Besides  two 
wars,  one  with  the  aliens  at  the  straits  and  another 
with  fellow  countrymen  at  the  capital,  there  was 
civil  strife  at  home.  This  threefold  waste, 
draining  the  clan’s  resources,  would  soon  ex- 
haust its  vitality,  unless  unity  should  be  gained. 
Such  a desideratum  was  destined  to  come  through 
Saigo,  a man  of  genius  in  the  Satsuma  clan,  and, 
in  this  irenic  enterprise,  most  probably  inspired 
by  Okubo.  He  proposed  a method  by  which 
these  two  great  principalities  were  hereafter  to 
bury  all  enmity  and  unite  in  one  purpose,  to 
return  to  the  ancient,  unique  rule  of  the  Mikado. 
This  grand  idea  required  not  merely  a change  of 
the  mats  only,  but  of  floor  and  foundations. 
Saigo,  expressing  the  thoughts  of  many  hearts, 
was  both  prophet  and  statesman.  Mikadoism 
healed  the  old  wounds. 

In  July,  1865,  the  Shogun  being  in  Kyoto,  the 
foreign  representatives,  with  nine  ships  of  war, 
came  to  Hiogo  to  discuss  the  opening,  of  both 
that  port  and  the  nighboring  city  of  Osaka,  and 
also  the  Imperial  assent  to  the  treaties  permit- 
ting this  action.  The  delay  at  Court  was  so  very 
exasperating  that  Keiki,  the  Shogun’s  guardian, 
threatened  to  resign.  Komei  had  given  his  con- 
sent, but  the  Court  Nobles  raised  such  a tumult 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


117 


that  he  withdrew  his  approval.  At  last,  after  an 
all  night’s  session  of  July  22,  the  opposition  of 
the  leading  men  in  Kyoto  was  withdrawn,  and  the 
Emperor  re-asserted  his  decision,  on  condition 
that  Hiogo,  which  was  so  near  to  Kyoto,  should 
not  be  made  a port  of  commerce.  One  high  na- 
tive officer  declared  that  Koniei  “would  rather 
that  the  whole  of  Japan  had  been  burned  to  a 
cinder,  than  that  it  should  be  opened  to  the  outer 
barbarians.” 

Meanwhile  the  Yedo  army,  made  up  of  nearly 
all  the  supposedly  loyal  clans,  except  Satsuma, 
had,  against  the  earnest  protest  of  Echizen,  now 
Palace  Resident  and  Imperial  Councillor,  been 
sent  to  punish  the  Choshiu  men.  N evertheless  the 
Yedo  soldiers,  laced  in  armor  and  armed  with 
spears  and  swords,  could  not  contend  with  men 
in  light  short  sleeved  garments,  drilled  in  Wes- 
tern style,  and  armed  with  American  rifles.  After 
several  defeats  in  pitched  battles  the  prestige  of 
the  Tokugawa  family  was  ruined,  and  the  Yedo 
treasury  nearly  emptied. 

The  Shogun  lyemochi  died  at  the  age  of 
twenty,  on  September  19,  1866,  though  accord- 
ing to  the  old  precedents  his  decease  was  not 
announced  until  some  time  later.  His  young 
widow,  of  Imperial  blood,  as  we  have  seen,  shaved 
her  hair  and  became  a Buddhist  nun.  Her 
adopted  son  Keiki  was  made  Shogun  on  Jan- 
uary 6,  1867.  He  did  not  wish  to  accept  the 


118 


THE  MIKADO 


office,  for  he  felt  that  it  was  of  very  brief  tenure 
and  that  its  days  were  numbered.  Many  of  his 
chief  followers  however  hoped  that  even  though 
monarchy  should  be  established  the  Tokugawa 
family,  because  of  its  immense  revenues  and 
numerous  vassals,  might,  with  foreign  commerce 
to  enrich  its  coffers,  have  even  more  power  than 
before. 

Far  differently  did  the  clans  of  the  southwest 
think  on  this  subject.  They  formed  a combina- 
tion, which  Echizen  joined,  to  bring  about  the 
headship,  not  of  any  one  clan  or  group  of  clans, 
but  of  one  strong  Government,  for  they  were 
determined  to  have  nothing  less  than  an  Em- 
peror who  should  not  only  reign  but  govern. 
Their  idea  of  Mikadoism  was  the  true  one. 

The  active  men  in  the  new  coalition  were  Sa- 
murai, not  of  high  rank,  but  thoughtful  and  well 
read,  withal  full  of  fire  and  energy  and  well  inoc- 
ulated with  Western  ideas.  For  allies  they  had  a 
small  party  among  the  Court  Nobles,  and  a very 
few  conspicuous  men  of  ability  and  personal 
importance,  Echizen  being  perhaps  the  leader 
in  constructive  statesmanship  among  that  crowd 
of  Daimios  who  were  mere  figureheads.  In  fact, 
the  men  who  now  prepared  finally  to  achieve  the 
coup  d'etat,  which  made  a new  Government  and 
nation,  even  the  new  Japan  of  the  nineteenth 
and  twentieth  centuries,  numbered  all  told  but 
fifty-five,  their  average  age  being  thirty.  Of 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


119 


these  five,  Okubo,  Iwakura,  San  jo,  Kido  and 
Saigo,  were  the  conspicuous  leaders.  I knew 
them  all  m the  Japan  of  1870-1874. 

These  progressive  men  were  disappointed  and 
indignant  at  Keiki’s  receiving  the  office  of  Sho- 
gim,  because,  having  powers  hke  his  predeces- 
sors’, he  could  treat  the  landed  nobihty  as  if  they 
were  his  own  vassals,  and  not  as  advisers  of  the 
Emperor. 

They  clamored  for  the  opening  of  Hiogo  and 
Osaka,  yet  not  as  mere  marts  of  trade  and  not 
for  the  benefit  of  the  “ring”  in  Yedo,  but  in  the 
interests  of  the  whole  country.  In  the  splendid 
game,  whose  prize  was  the  possession  of  the  “hv- 
ing  god  of  the  Japanese  nation,”  both  bands  of 
hunters  coquetted  with  the  foreign  envoys. 

Three  parties  were  forming,  Federahsts,  Un- 
ionists, and  Imperiahsts.  Each  party  was  in- 
formed chiefly  by  the  culture,  the  ideas  of 
philosophy  and  the  politics  derived  from  the 
Chinese  classics,  or  the  later  thinkers  of  China. 

The  Federalists,  at  first  led  by  Satsuma  and 
including  kuge,  ronin,  and  Shinto  zealots,  united 
in  hating  the  foreigners,  less  on  account  of  these 
being  aliens  than  because  the  Yedo  Premier,  li 
had  signed  treaties  with  them  against  the  Mika- 
do’s wishes.  They  wanted  a Government  on  the 
model  of  Hideyoshi’s  council  of  Daimios;  Mi- 
kado, Shogun,  and  feudal  lords  sharing  the 
power. 


120 


THE  MIKADO 


The  Unionists  were  mostly  enlightened  and 
brave  yomig  Samurai,  with  some  taste  of  Euro- 
pean eulture.  They  had  before  them  the  vision 
of  a State  much  like  that  in  the  golden  age  of 
ancient  China,  where  all  men  had  equal  oppor- 
tunity, and  in  which  popular  opinion  ruled 
through  representative  government.  They  were 
inspired  by  the  Oyomeian  jjhilosophy,  in  which 
right  thought  and  right  action  quickly  joined 
hands. 

The  Imperialists  aimed  at  monarchj’^  and  la- 
bored for  the  supremacy  of  the  Mikado,  with  a 
bureaucracy  as  it  existed  previous  to  feudalism. 
This  meant,  ultimatelj%  the  abolition  of  both  the 
Shogun  and  the  Daimios. 

In  the  order  of  time  the  Federalists  were  first. 
It  was  they  who  in  1862,  after  the  death  of  li, 
reformed  the  Government  and  made  Echizen 
Premier  in  Yedo  and  Aidzu  the  lord  of  Nijo 
Castle  in  Kyoto.  This  party  soon  broke  down, 
through  complications  domestic  and  foreign,  and 
the  Imperialists  rose  to  power,  Choshiu  even 
defying  the  Shogun  and  firing  on  foreign  ships. 
Then  the  Federalists  reunited,  but  when  Owari 
and  Echizen  dealt  lightly  with  Choshiu,  Aidzu 
protested,  became  rampant,  and  proceeded  to  in- 
vade Choshiu,  the  Shogun  leading  in  person.  As 
this,  if  successful,  would  rehabilitate  the  Toku- 
gawa  and  give  the  Shogunate  greater  power  and 
a fresh  lease  of  life,  a combination  of  able  clan 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


121 


leaders  hostile  to  the  policy  of  chastisement  was 
formed,  and  thus  a new  party,  the  Unionist,  came 
into  being.  It  was  now  a struggle  between 
Unionist  and  Federal.  When  the  Yedo  army 
was  beaten  the  prestige  of  the  Federals  had  de- 
parted, and  the  Unionists,  now  thoroughly  in- 
fected by  Katsu,  Ito  and  other  students  returned 
from  foreign  countries  were,  for  the  most  part, 
transformed  by  the  logic  of  events  into  Imperial- 
ists. The  Unionists  accomplished  little,  and  the 
Federalists  less,  the  Imperialists  coming  out 
victors. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


THE  MIKADO  BECOMES  EMPEROR 

111  this  state  of  affairs  smallpox  seized  the 
Emperor,  Osahito,  whom  we  know  by  his  post- 
humous name,  Komei.  In  fourteen  days  he  was 
dead.  He  had  ruled  twenty  years,  from  1847. 
He  was  the  last  of  the  line  of  Palace  prisoners, 
that  is,  of  Emperors  virtually  shut  up  in  a box 
and  treated  as  idols,  with  superstitious  and  often 
very  malign  reverence.  In  history,  though 
through  ignorance  Komei  disliked,  even  hated 
foreigners,  he  stands  as  the  promotor  of  the  Res- 
toration and  of  national  unity. 

The  official  and  announced  death  was  on  Feb- 
ruary 3,  1867.  The  real  event  took  place,  per- 
haps, on  January  30.  His  son,  Mutsuhito,  on 
February  13,  1866,  became  Mikado,  or,  as  later 
styled.  Emperor.  By  the  reckoning  of  exact 
mathematics,  he  was  fourteen  years  and  eighty- 
eight  days  old  when  his  father  died,  but  by  Japa- 
nese use  of  language  was  sixteen.  It  often  stirs 
the  risibilities  of  foreign  physicians  to  see  babies 
born,  it  may  be,  only  an  hour  or  two  before  Jan- 
uary 1 greeted  as  “two  days  old.” 

On  account  of  the  youth  of  the  new  ruler,  it 


122 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


123 


became  necessary  to  choose  a regent,  the  Junior 
Prime  Minister  of  the  Left,  one  Nariaki.  The 
hopes  of  Keiki  rose,  because  a majority  of  the 
Court  Nobles  were  his  partisans.  Now,  he 
thought,  instead  of  having  to  deal  with  a Mikado 
born  in  the  old  days  of  seclusion,  with  hereditary 
and  lifelong  prejudices  against  the  Western  bar- 
barians, here  was  a lad,  reared  since  Perry’s 
arrival,  who  knew  at  least  a little  about  foreign 
nations. 

According  to  his  agreement  the  Shogun  met 
the  foreign  Ministers  in  Osaka.  Sites  for  the 
foreign  settlement  at  Hiogo  and  Osaka  were 
fixed  upon,  and  this  covenant  was  approved  by 
the  Court  in  Kyoto.  It  was  too  late,  however, 
for  Keiki  to  bring  into  play  his  really  great  abil- 
ities, for  the  Unionist  party  was  definitely  formed 
and  had  both  a programme  and  force  to  carry 
it  out. 

In  October,  1867,  the  ex-Prince  of  Tosa  wrote 
a letter  to  Keiki,  advising  him  to  resign  and 
restore  the  whole  power  to  the  Emperor.  In  his 
view,  the  cause  of  the  troubles  was  “that  the  ad- 
ministration proceeds  from  two  centers,  because 
the  Empire’s  eyes  and  ears  are  turned  in  two  dif- 
ferent directions.  The  march  of  events  has 
brought  about  a revolution  and  the  old  system 
can  no  longer  be  obstinately  persevered  in.  You 
should  restore  the  governing  power  into  the 
hands  of  the  sovereign  and  so  lay  a foundation  on 


124 


THE  MIKADO 


which  Japan  may  take  its  stand  as  the  equal  of 
all  other  countries.”  Long  before  this,  as  we 
have  seen,  Echizen,  the  relative  of  Tokugawa, 
published  a manifesto  fully  as  liberal  in  its  fore- 
sight and  demands.  The  hammer  blow  of  Tosa 
on  the  iron  driven  by  Echizen,  when  the  steel  bar 
of  eritical  opportunity  was  beneath,  turned  the 
nail  into  a rivet. 

Keiki,  under  the  impression  that  the  feudal 
barons  would  be  called  to  Kyoto  to  deliberate 
upon  the  basis  of  a new  Constitution,  on  Novem- 
ber 3,  1867,*  placed  his  resignation  in  the  hands 
of  the  Emperor,  who,  after  accepting  it,  sum- 
moned the  feudatories  at  Kyoto  to  meet  on  De- 
cember 15.  Meanwhile  Echizen,  now  the  Great 
Counsellor,  was  in  the  Palace  night  and  day, 
seeking  to  reeoncile  all  parties,  explaining,  per- 
suading, hoping,  and  fully  expecting  to  avert 
bloodshed  and  seeure  a modern  government,  with 
the  Emperor  as  supreme  head. 

The  war  spirit  was  too  hot.  Instead  of  a 
council  there  was  a host  of  armed  men  from  the 
clans  of  Satsuma,  Tosa,  Owari,  Echizen,  and 
Aki,  whose  leaders,  knowing  exactly  what  they 
wanted,  soon  showed  their  hand. 

Perhaps  the  precise  date  on  which  modern 

* See  “Japanese  Government  Documents”  (from  November  3, 
1867,  to  the  end  of  Meiji  era)  edited  with  an  introduction  by 
W.  W.  McLaren,  Ph.D.,  in  Proceedings  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of 
Japan,  Vol.  XLII,  Part  I,  pp.  Ci-681,  containing  those  of  the  first 
half  of  the  era  of  Mdiji,  published  in  1914. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


125 


Japan’s  internal  histon’^  opened  may  be  named  as 
January  3, 1868.  At  noon,  by  order  of  the  Court, 
the  combination  seized  the  nine  gates  and  thus 
gained  control  of  the  Imperial  Palace  and  Person. 
Dismissing  the  Regent,  Xariaki,  who  was  a 
partisan  of  Keiki,  they  also  forbade  the  court 
Nobles,  hitherto  in  the  Emperor’s  confidence,  to 
come  near.  Then  they  surrounded  His  Majesty 
with  those  w^ho  were  in  accord  with  their  own 
ideas.  They  had  now  the  JNIikado,  Mutsuhito, 
the  holy  oracle,  in  their  power,  and  through  him 
could  utter  their  convictions  in  law,  for  they  were 
“the  Court.”  Within  twenty-four  hours  they 
made  the  boy  Emperor  proclaim  a new  order  of 
things.  The  office  of  Shogun  and  the  Yedo 
Government  were  abolished,  and  a provisional 
system,  with  three  grades  of  officers,  was 
arranged  for.  Their  authorization  was  thus  ex- 
pressed: “It  is  the  Emperor’s  decree,”  etc. 

Instead  of  accepting  this  as  “the  Restoration” 
Keiki  denounced  it  as  revolution.  His  clamorous 
followers,  especially  those  of  Aidm,  commandant 
of  Nijo  Castle,  who  had  been  in  command  of  the 
palace  gates  so  long,  and  who  hated  the  Choshiu 
men,  w^ere  also  allowed  to  express  their  \dews. 
Keiki,  in  a memorial  to  the  Court,  announced 
that  he  should  act  upon  the  pre\dous  order  and 
declared  that  everything  should  be  determined  by 
a council  of  barons.  On  January  6,  under  the 
plea  of  calming  the  passions  of  his  adherents,  and 


U6 


THE  MIKADO 


lioping  for  union  among  them,  he  left  Kyoto  with 
his  great  following,  and  in  Osaka,  protesting  to 
the  foreign  Ministers  against  the  revolutionary 
proceedings,  as  criminal,  declared  his  resolve  to 
“carry  out  the  instructions  left  by  the  late 
Emperor.” 

Keiki  was  too  late.  It  was  time  to  let  the  dead 
past  bury  its  dead.  The  enlightened  living,  and 
not  the  men  in  their  graves,  now  ruled  in  the 
councils  of  Japan.  Rather,  since  the  dead  were 
still  potent  to  decree,  the  deceased  Emperor  had 
new  interpreters. 

Two  envoys  from  the  capital,  Owari  and  Echi- 
zen,  came  to  Osaka  and  invited  their  relative, 
Keiki,  to  accept  the  office  of  Gijo,  or  Emperor’s 
servant  of  the  second  rank.  They  urged  him  to 
bring  his  influence  and  resources  to  the  support  of 
the  new  Government,  dismiss  all  feelings  of  re- 
sentment and  return  with  only  a small  escort, 
offering,  as  his  kinsmen,  to  protect  him  with  their 
own  troops,  if  disturbed  about  his  personal 
safety. 

Keiki  agreed,  and  Echizen  was  happy.  Yet 
when  new  advisers  came  the  ex- Shogun  changed 
his  mind,  yielding  to  the  demands  of  Aidzu  and 
Kuwana,  and  his  hot  headed  retainers,  to  march 
hack  to  Kyoto.  With  his  army  he  would  “re- 
move from  the  Emperor  his  bad  counsellors  and 
try  the  issue  with  them  by  the  sword.”  This  was 
nothing  less  than  a declaration  of  war. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


127 


On  January  27  the  battle  opened  between  the 
“divine”  and  the  “human,”  the  Government  and 
the  choteki  (traitors)  ; the  “loyal”  army  and 
the  “rebels.”  It  lasted  three  days.  It  was  a run- 
ning fight  in  the  towns  and  villages  on  either  side 
of  the  Yodo  river.  Two  thousand  riflemen  and 
artillerists,  with  arms  and  tactics  in  modern  style, 
directed  by  Saigo  opposed  ten  thousand  men 
cased  in  helmets  and  armor  and  equipped,  for  the 
most  part,  with  arrow,  sword,  and  spear.  The 
attacking  party  of  “rebels”  advancing  over  nar- 
row roads  or  causeways  among  rice  fields,  and 
strung  out  in  long  narrow  lines,  without  any  pos- 
sibility of  making  evolutions,  except  at  the  risk  of 
sinking  into  the  mire  to  their  knees,  were  easy  prey 
for  men  lightly  dressed,  expert  with  American 
rifles,  and  able  to  move  easily.  Hidden,  or  skir- 
mishing in  bamboo  thickets,  the  modem  warriors, 
drilled  by  General  Omura,  were  well  provided 
with  cannon  favorably  posted.  In  such  a case 
superiority  of  numbers  was  a detriment  rather 
than  an  advantage.  The  battle  was  not  to  num- 
bers  or  valor,  but  to  brain  and  science. 

The  fifteen  hundred  Imperialists  actually  en- 
gaged and  chiefly  Satsuma  and  Choshiu  men  well 
practiced  in  flank  attacks,  won  a decisive  victory. 
The  rebels  were  pursued  all  the  way  to  Osaka, 
from  which  city  the  foreign  Ministers  had  to  with- 
draw, for  the  old  Government  could  not  protect 
them.  Keiki,  with  a few  of  his  loyal  retainers. 


128 


THE  MIKADO 


left  the  castle  early  in  the  morning  and  crossing 
the  dangerous  bar,  on  which  the  American  Rear 
Admiral  Bell  was  afterward  drowned,  found 
temporary  refuge  on  board  the  United  States 
steamship  Iroquois.  Soon  afterward,  on  his  own 
steam  corvette,  he  left  for  Yedo.  The  great 
castle  of  Osaka,  built  by  Hideyoshi,  with  wall 
stones  larger  than  any  in  the  pyramids  of  Egypt, 
was  burned  on  the  same  day. 

On  February  8,  the  young  Emperor,  now  six- 
teen, or  in  Japanese  reckoning,  eighteen  years 
old,  in  celebrating  his  majority,  declared  an  am- 
nesty to  pardoned  criminals,  promising  that  all 
would  be  considered  loyal  subjects,  except  those 
actually  in  rebellion,  and  threatening  severe  pun- 
ishments against  every  one  who  remained  in  open 
hostility. 

For  the  first  time  in  history  a Mikado,  Mutsu- 
hito,  wrote  out  his  full  name  on  a public  docu- 
ment, written  in  letters  of  unusual  size,  and  this 
he  did  alongside  “The  Seal  of  Great  Japan.” 
This  was  a notification  that  he  had  resumed  the 
governing  power  and  that  the  title  of  “Emperor” 
should  be  substituted  in  all  the  treaty  documents 
for  the  sign  manual  of  the  Shogun.  Henceforth 
in  this  work  we  use  the  term  as  applied  to  Mutsu- 
shito  and  the  reigning  Mikado-Emperor. 

Mutsuhito  sent  this  imposing  paper  on  Feb- 
ruary 7 by  a special  envoy,  Higashi  Kuze,  who 
went  to  Hiogo  to  meet  the  foreign  Ministers. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


129 


This  dignitary  arrived  in  the  nick  of  time,  because 
on  February  4 a party  of  the  proud  soldiers  of 
the  Daimio  of  Bizen,  eager  to  use  their  new  war 
tools,  had  foolishly,  with  slight  provocation,  shed 
foreign  blood  on  the  main  street  of  Kobe.  After 
leaving  Osaka  the  foreign  iSIinisters  had  come  to 
the  newly  laid  out  settlement  of  Kobe,  where  var- 
ious people  from  America  and  Europe  were  wait- 
ing for  business  to  open  on  the  new  site.  As 
there  was  no  Government  there  was  no  one  to 
restrain  possible  outrages. 

The  baron  of  Bizen,  with  his  train,  was  passing 
through  the  foreign  quarter.  As  usual,  a native 
herald  went  ahead  of  the  procession  shouting  to 
the  crowd,  “Do^vn  on  your  knees!”  The  foreign- 
ers, however,  remained  standing.  The  haughty 
Samurai  were  irritated.  A Frenchman  happen- 
ing to  come  out  and  walk  alongside  of  the  Bizen 
troops,  a misunderstanding  ensued,  and  a native 
officer  gave  the  order  to  fire.  The  soldiers  began 
blazing  away  at  all  strangers,  among  whom  were 
several  men  of  high  rank  and  station.  The  clans- 
men had  repeating  rifles,  but  the  sights  were  set 
too  high,  and  the  bullets  flew  over  the  foreigners’ 
heads.  A sailor  boy  from  the  United  States  man- 
of-war  Oneida,  the  ship  which  was  afterward 
sunk  by  accidental  collision  in  Yokohama  harbor, 
was  woimded.  The  unarmed  spectators  quickly 
disappeared,  and,  there  being  no  one  else  to  Are 
at,  the  Bizen  men  marched  on. 


130 


THE  MIKADO 


The  guards  of  three  legations  were  at  once 
ordered  out,  but  no  enemy  was  in  view.  Besides 
seizing  the  five  steamers  belonging  to  different 
Daimios,  marines  and  sailors  were  landed  and 
they  protected  the  settlement  until  a body  of 
Satsuma  troops  arrived  to  keep  order. 

This  Kobe  episode  at  once  put  the  reahty  of 
Imperial  power  to  proof,  for  it  affected  not  Bizen 
only  but  all  Japan,  and  the  new  Government 
must  take  the  responsibility.  Instead  of  demand- 
ing apology  from  the  Daimio,  the  foreign  envoys 
pressed  the  matter  upon  the  new  Government  in 
Kyoto. 

Happily  the  young  Emperor  was  reasonably 
advised.  At  his  call  the  offenders  were  instantly 
surrendered.  A new  thing  had  happened  under 
the  Japanese  sun.  Instead  of  the  old  excuses  and 
delays,  here  was  promptness  in  business.  Date, 
the  old  Daimio  of  Uwajima,  came  to  Hiogo  and 
offered  an  apology  in  writing  from  the  Mikado 
himself.  The  officer  who  gave  the  order  to  fire 
was  to  commit  hara-kiri  in  presence  of  witnesses. 

The  Emperor,  assuming  the  treatymaking 
power,  appointed  an  Imperial  Prince  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs  and  published,  February  14,  a 
proclamation.  It  was  saturated  with  the  spirit  of 
Japanese  theology,  and  showing  the  real  or  re- 
puted rule  of  the  dead,  concerning  the  treaties. 
The  whole  cast  of  thought  and  form  of  language 
is  Chinese: 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


131 


“Since  the  time  that  the  late  Emperor  occu- 
pied himself  seriously  with  foreign  affairs,  the 
Bakufu,  by  a long  series  of  errors,  has  brought 
us  to  the  present  state  and  the  country  has  under- 
gone a great  change,  whieh  has  indeed  come  about 
unavoidably. 

“It  has  been  definitely  resolved,  after  Court 
Council,  to  have  treaties  of  amity  [with  foreign 
Powers].  The  Imperial  will  is,  therefore,  that 
high  and  low  join  in  unison  and  abstain  from 
doubting  [feel  at  ease  in  their  minds]  that  our 
defences  be  made  so  thorough  that  the  national 
glory  may  shine  abroad  amongst  all  nations,  and 
that  the  spirit  of  the  late  Emperor  be  satisfied.” 


CHAPTER  XIV 


THE  CHARTER  OATH  OF  1868 

On  February  16,  1868,  the  young  Emperor 
heard  of  two  English  gentlemen  in  his  eapital. 
Dr.  Willis,  surgeon  of  the  British  Legation,  and 
the  student-interpreter,  Mr.  Ernest  Satow,  later 
Great  Britain’s  plenipotentiary  in  Japan  and  in 
China,  and  member  of  the  Privy  Couneil.  It  was 
the  first  time  since  the  sixteenth  century,  when 
St.  Francis  Xavier  had  come  to  the  sacred  city, 
at  that  time  ravaged  and  desolated  by  civil  war, 
that  foreigners  had  been  welcomed  in  Kyoto. 
Dutchmen  had  passed  near  or  through,  but  had 
made  no  stay.  Both  gentlemen  were  well  treated, 
for  Dr.  Willis  had  come  to  dress  the  wounds  of 
the  loyal  soldiers.  In  fact,  he  attended  alike  to 
friend  and  foe. 

The  barons  of  Echizen,  Tosa,  Satsuma,  Cho- 
shiu  and  Aki  sent  in  a memorial  acknowledging 
the  mistake  of  closing  the  country,  advising  rela- 
tions of  friendship  for  repairing  their  deficien- 
cies in  knowledge,  and  urging  that  the  foreign 
envoys  should  never  be  spoken  of  in  terms  of  con- 
tempt, but  rather  be  invited  to  the  Court  and 
presented  before  the  Emperor,  as  in  civilized 


132 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


133 


countries.  A favorable  answer  was  returned  and 
the  fruit  of  this  decision  was  soon  seen  in  the  new 
educational  policy  of  the  Empire. 

Echizen  was  the  first  nobleman  who  sent  for 
teachers  from  America.  In  his  province  the  first 
common  schools  were  organized  and  here  was 
raised  the  Ninth  Division,  so  famous  at  Port  Ar- 
thur in  1904.  This  was  the  beginning  of  that 
system  of  yatoi,  or  salaried  foreigners,  in  all  lines 
of  serviee,  about  5,000  being  hired  between  1868 
and  1900,  to  serve  the  Empire  with  their  varied 
talents. 

The  foreign  envoys  aceepted  the  invitation  to 
visit  Kyoto  and  have  audience  of  the  Mikado. 
This  was  a tremendous  step  in  advanee,  for  no 
Europeans  had  ever  yet  crossed  the  Imperial 
threshold  or  looked  upon  the  face  of  the  Tenno. 

There  was  danger  in  entering  Kyoto,  and  none 
knew  this  better  than  the  British  Minister,  Sir 
Harry  Parkes,  and,  as  he  told  me,  he  “took  pre- 
cautions.” Fanatics  of  the  old  sehool  could  not 
understand  what  was  going  on,  for  they  thought 
that  the  Mikado’s  restoration  and  the  expulsion 
of  the  barbarian  were  synonymous  terms.  In 
their  minds,  dogmatic  theology  was  not  yet  sep- 
arated from  practical  diplomacy. 

On  March  23  crowds  gathered  to  see  the  Min- 
isters of  three  nations  on  their  way  to  Imperial 
audience.  The  British  Minister’s  escort  consisted 
of  sixty  armed  men,  twelve  in  front  and  forty- 


134. 


THE  MIKADO 


eight  in  the  rear,  with  native  soldiers  preceding 
and  following. 

All  went  well  until  the  procession  got  into  a 
narrow  street.  Then  two  fanatics  ran  amuck  with 
their  two  handed  swords,  dealing  blows  furiously 
and  rapidly.  Nine  of  the  eleven  British  guards- 
men, a soldier  of  the  Ninth  regiment,  and  the 
Japanese  groom  were  slashed,  and  five  horses 
were  badly  cut.  Goto  Shojiro,  running  in  front, 
took  off  the  head  of  one  assassin  with  a sweep  of 
his  sword,  and  the  other  was  wounded  and  made 
prisoner. 

The  British  procession  turned  back.  The  Em- 
peror, to  whom  the  insult  was  greater  than  to  the 
English  envoy,  at  once  sent  several  high  Minis- 
ters in  full  Court  dress,  to  express  his  regret  at 
what  had  happened,  and  five  days  later  issued  a 
decree,  declaring  that  acts  of  violence  towards 
strangers  would  be  punished  according  to  the 
gravity  of  the  offence.  If  the  offenders  were 
Samurai  their  names  would  be  erased  from  the 
roll  of  the  gentry.  Mutsuhito  thus  made  clear  his 
purpose  to  reform  barbarism.  Hereafter,  every 
one  of  his  servants  attacked  received  fresh  honors, 
and  in  case  of  death  posthumous  reward. 

This  new  decree  was  enforced  only  with  great 
difficulty.  The  intensity  of  Japanese  conceit  and 
pride  was  then  so  colossal  that  native  officers  felt 
humiliated  even  when  treating  foreigners  de- 
cently. The  F oreign  Department  was  a new  one. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


135 


and  it  was  not  easy  to  get  servants  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  take  the  same  broad  view  of  things  as 
the  Emperor  and  his  advisers.  Men  brought  up 
on  a hermit  isle  were  very  slow  to  make  conces- 
sions to  “barbarians”  or  in  any  way  to  seem  to  sub- 
mit to  their  dictation.  The  bureaucracy,  Japan’s 
permanent  curse,  tried  every  means  to  suppress 
or  delay  the  publication  of  the  Emperor’s  decree, 
but  Mutsuhito  and  his  advisers  were  firm.  Al- 
ready the  young  Emperor,  as  he  was  soon  to  be 
popularly  as  well  as  officially  called,  gave  proof 
of  the  determined  spirit  within  him. 

However,  as  a foil  and  an  ostentatious  assur- 
ance of  national  orthodoxy,  the  anti-Christian 
edicts,  signed  by  the  Great  Council  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, were  republished.  All  J apan  read  these 
on  the  notice  boards  which  hung  under  roofed 
frames  set  on  platforms  in  the  city  wards,  town 
divisions  and  the  villages.  A new  set  of  wooden 
slabs  or  tablets  was  put  up  in  place  of  the  old.  I 
remember  the  fresh  wood  and  shining  ink.  Bar- 
barism still  triumphed  at  Court  and  conscience 
was  in  slavery,  as  in  medieval  Europe. 

In  April,  1868,  as  the  result  of  the  bold  petition 
of  Okubo,  the  Mikado  made  his  first  appearance 
in  a public  assembly,  and  travelled  beyond  the 
city  of  Kyoto  to  see  Osaka  and  the  sea. 

The  effect  of  Okubo’s  petition,  ungarnished 
with  references  to  Chinese  precedent  and  uncon- 
taminated by  a single  legal  fiction,  was  like  an 


136 


THE  MIKADO 


electric  shock.  It  opened  a broad  vista  of  life  to 
the  young  ruler  of  J apan. 

To  allay  clan  jealousy  and  harmonize  conflict- 
ing interests,  the  leaders  at  Court  established 
“the  Constitution  of  1868.”  The  text  of  this 
document,  expressed  in  five  articles,  all  models 
of  terseness,  came  directly  from  the  pen  of  Mi- 
tsuoka,  of  Fukui,  disciple  of  Yokoi  and  retainer 
of  Echizen,  later  Viscount  Yuri.  One  must  not 
read  into  it  the  ideas  either  of  twentieth  century 
Japan,  of  parliamentary  England,  of  the  Amer- 
ican Declaration  of  Independence,  or  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  It  was  to 
safeguard  the  nation  against  the  ambitions  for 
supremacy  of  any  one  clan,  such  as  Satsuma  or 
Choshiu,  while  “public  opinion”  meant  that  of  a 
single  class,  the  Samurai.  “The  people”  had  no 
political  existence.  The  “Charter  Oath,”  first 
sworn  in  the  Imperial  Palace,  is  literally  trans- 
lated by  President  Harada,  of  the  Doshisha  Uni- 
versity, with  notes,  as  follows: 

“On  the  twenty-third  day  of  the  third  month 
of  the  first  year  of  Meiji  (April  16,  1868),  H.M. 
the  Emperor  being  present  at  the  Shishin  temple 
of  the  Palace  [Kyoto],  taking  oath  before  the 
Divine  Illuminance  (or  deities)  of  Heaven  and 
Earth,  declared  the  fundamental  principles  of  the 
Restoration : 

“First.  An  assembly  shall  be  organized  on  a 
broad  basis:  all  policies  (of  the  state)  should  be 
decided  by  public  opinion. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


137 


“Second.  Both  Government  and  people  shall 
be  united  in  one  heart : every  undertaking  should 
be  pushed  with  vigor. 

Third.  Civil  and  military  classes  with  distinc- 
tion and  also  commoners  shall  each  carry  out  their 
aims:  it  is  necessary  that  the  spirit  of  the  nation 
shall  not  be  tired  out. 

“Fourth.  Mean  usages  of  the  past  should  be 
destroyed:  all  things  shall  be  founded  on  the  Uni- 
versal Law  (or  Way)  of  Heaven  and  earth. 

“Fifth.  Knowledge  should  be  sought  in  the 
wide  world:  foundations  of  the  royal  realm  shall 
be  firmly  established  (elevated).” 

To  give  the  new  “Constitution”  sanction  and 
authority  the  Mikado’s  oath  was  necessary,  for 
everything  must  now  be  done  in  his  name.  The 
significant  place  where  the  oath  was  taken  was 
the  Shi-shin-den,  or  Purple  Mystery  Hall,  a sep- 
arate edifice  of  noble  proportions  and  venerable 
associations.  The  text  was  published  in  the  castle 
of  Nijo,  the  headquarters  of  the  Camp  which  had 
long  overawed  the  Throne.  In  its  interior  decor- 
ation, at  least,  this  was  the  handsomest  building 
in  Kyoto,  except  possibly  some  of  the  gorgeous 
temples  of  the  Shin,  or  “Protestant”  sect  of  Bud- 
dhists. In  this  edifice  the  assembled  Court  N obles 
and  the  land  holding  barons  had  formed  a house 
of  assembly  for  the  discussion  of  public  questions. 

This  “Charter  Oath”  formed  the  basis  of  the 
Constitution  of  1889.  As  matter  of  fact,  it  was 


138 


THE  MIKADO 


twenty-one  years  before  its  provisions  were  ful- 
filled, the  prerogative  of  the  Emperor  limited, 
the  rights  of  Japanese  subjects  guaranteed,  and 
their  liberties  assured.  Bitter  experience  taught 
the  Japanese  statesmen  that  representative  gov- 
ernment could  not  be  created  at  once,  and  that 
the  too  hasty  introduction  of  liberal  or  democratic 
views  in  a country  whose  institutions  were  essen- 
tially aristocratic  would  only  lead  to  reaction  and 
bloodshed.  Nevertheless,  here  at  Kyoto,  in  1868, 
was  the  visible  beginning  of  constitutional  Japan. 

On  April  13,  in  a palanquin  or  norimono, 
screened  from  the  public  gaze,  Mutsuhito  trav- 
elled to  Osaka,  and  looked  for  the  first  time  on 
salt  water.  He  was  present  at  a review  of  some 
of  his  soldiers.  He  saw  the  six  Japanese  steam- 
ers, belonging  to  the  various  Daimios,  moving 
without  sail  or  wind.  This  was  a great  day  in 
his  life. 

His  Majesty  next  despatched  Prince  Arisu- 
gawa  to  Yedo,  giving  him  a sword  and  a brocade 
banner,  with  one  thousand  picked  troops,  to  assert 
Imperial  authority  in  the  Kuanto,  or  Broad  East. 


CHAPTER  XV 


TOKYO:  EXIT  SHOGUN;  ENTER  MIKADO 

The  new  Government  was  still  in  a very  pre- 
carious position.  It  consisted  of  but  a handful 
of  students  and  loyal  clansmen,  of  the  average 
age  of  thirty  years.  These  bold  spirits  had  con- 
verted also  a few  of  the  court  nobles  and  thus 
got  possession  of  the  JMikado.  The  great  major- 
ity of  the  gentry  and  courtiers  were  even  yet  filled 
with  that  old  spirit  of  pride  and  hatred  to  aliens, 
arising  from  insular  narro\^Tiess  and  dense  ignor- 
ance. No  revenue,  treasury,  or  national  army  or 
navy  existed.  Clansmen  and  factions  were  over 
numerous,  but  not  one  national  dollar,  school  or 
soldier  was  as  yet  visible. 

On  the  other  hand  the  angry  followers  of  the 
deposed  Shogun  were  gathering  arms  and  forces 
to  resist  the  “usurpers.”  On  arriving  at  Yedo 
Keiki  had  summoned  Katsu  and  Okubo  his  coun- 
cillors, who  at  once  advised  fidl  surrender,  to 
which  Keiki  agreed  and  notified  his  adherents  not 
to  resist  the  loyal  army. 

Moved  to  pity  lest  Yedo  should  be  laid  in  ashes, 
high  officers,  the  princesses  Kadzu  and  Tensoin, 
widows  of  the  two  last  Shoguns,  sent  some  of 

139 


140 


THE  MIKADO 


their  ladies  as  messengers  of  merey  along  the 
Eastern  Sea  Road,  over  which  the  triumphant 
victors  under  Saigo  were  approaching.  The  fire 
“flowers  of  Yedo”  might,  under  the  war  torch, 
blossom  in  a garden  of  flame,  many  miles  square. 
Largely  through  the  influence  of  the  Unionist 
Katsu,  friend  of  Saigo,  Yedo  was  spared  the 
torch.  On  March  25  the  Kyoto  troops  entered 
the  Castle  of  Yedo.  The  ultimatum,  which  of- 
fered forgiveness  of  Keiki,  included  in  its  terms 
the  surrender  of  all  public  property. 

The  terms  were  formally  accepted  by  the  ex- 
Shogun,  but  his  infantry  soldiers  fled  by  thous- 
ands to  the  north,  where  a coalition  hostile  to  the 
new  order  of  things  was  planned.  The  seaports 
were  taken  charge  of  by  the  Imperial  officers, 
who  at  Nagasaki  enforced  ruthlessly  the  old  laws 
against  the  “Christians.”  To  the  popular  and 
even  to  the  official  mind  the  religion  of  Jesus  was 
synonymous  with  sorcery  and  magic,  if  not 
rebellion. 

No  less  a statesman  than  Kido,  “the  Pen  of  the 
Revolution,”  was  the  official  agent  in  dealing  with 
the  Nagasaki  believers,  who  for  two  centuries 
had  secretly  kept  their  Christian  faith  and  hope. 
On  July  10  about  six  score  of  these  banned  peo- 
ple were  taken  by  steamer  to  the  northern  prov- 
ince of  Kaga.  Tied  together,  labelled  and 
numbered,  like  so  many  bundles  of  firewood, 
about  four  thousand  were  ultimately  deported 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


141 


and  distributed  among  the  different  Daimios. 
They  were  kept  in  prisons  situated  in  old  craters 
of  volcanoes,  and  were  nearly  starved.  I saw  one 
of  these  parties,  several  score  in  number,  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1871,  while  travelling  in  the  mountain 
regions  of  Echizen.  They  were  dressed  in  the 
criminal’s  color  of  red,  and  roped  together  in  line. 

Army  officers  held  Yedo  and  the  municipal 
administration  was  carried  on  by  officers  of  the 
old  regime,  but  on  June  13  Prince  San  jo  arrived. 
Then  the  question  of  revenue  for  the  Tokugawa 
clan,  estimated  at  $1,110,000,  was  taken  up.  The 
Court  had  made  Tayasu  Kamenosuke,  a boy  of 
six  years  old,  afterward  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Peers,  the  head  of  this  honorable  family,  but  as 
5^et  had  not  decided  how  much  was  to  remain  the 
property  of  the  clan. 

The  dissatisfied  retainers  of  Keiki  were  very 
angry  when  the  Yedo  Castle  and  the  munitions  of 
war  had  been  given  up,  and  now  resolved  to  resist, 
even  to  blood.  They  formed  “the  band  which 
makes  duty  clear”  and  seized  the  park  and  tem- 
ples at  Uyeno,  in  the  northern  part  of  the  city. 

“Fighting  fire  with  fire”  was  voted  the  correct 
policy,  so  Mikadoism  was  pitted  against  Mikado- 
ism,  all  of  which  shows  how  deeply  rooted  and 
universally  held  is  the  idea.  As  the  lord  abbot  of 
Uyeno  was  a prince  of  the  blood,  virtually  a hos- 
tage for  the  Throne,  in  the  Camp  city,  as  or- 
dained by  lyeyasu,  the  Yedo  rebels  were  able  to 


14>2 


THE  MIKADO 


set  up  a rival  Mikado  as  pretender  to  the  Imper- 
ial throne. 

This  “court  doll  in  long  sleeves,”  like  the  old 
Fuj  iwara  or  Ho  jo  figureheads,  named  Rinnoji 
no  Miya,  was  deceived  into  yielding.  Gathering 
other  clansmen,  runaways  and  various  nonde- 
script characters  out  of  employment,  and  making 
Uyeno  Park — the  seat  of  the  Taisho  Exposition 
of  1914 — their  headquarters,  these  defiant  ruf- 
fians terrorized  Yedo  and  even  murdered  the 
loyal  troops  in  broad  daylight.  San  jo  ordered 
this  band  to  disperse  and  summoned  the  rival 
Mikado  to  the  castle,  hut  the  latter,  a mere  pup- 
pet, was  not  allowed  to  obey.  So  the  sword  was 
unsheathed. 

On  July  4,  led  by  General  Omura,  who  had 
introduced  foreign  drill,  the  Imperialists,  singing 
their  war  songs,  moved  to  the  attack.  The  battle 
raged  fiercely  all  the  morning,  but  when  in  the 
afternoon  the  Hizen  men  got  two  Armstrong 
guns  into  position,  their  effective  artillery  fire 
decided  the  day.  The  remnant  of  the  beaten 
army  fled  to  Aidzu,  in  the  north.  During  the 
combat  the  great  temple,  one  of  the  most  mag- 
nificent in  Japan,  was  burned.  A few  months 
later,  in  January,  1871,  I walked  over  its  cal- 
cined foundation  stones  and  its  heaps  of  ashes  of 
camphor  and  hinoki  trees,  with  Verbeck  of  Japan. 
The  desolation  was  appalling.  The  “Black 
Gate,”  or  entrance  to  the  beautiful  grounds. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


143 


looked  like  a honeycomb  with  its  bullet  holes.  So 
peppered  was  its  framework  with  lead  that  a 
square  foot  of  untouched  wood  was  hard  to  find. 

The  Uyeno  insurgents  “had  ruined  the  busi- 
ness” and  instead  of  the  two  or  three  million 
koku  (over  ten  or  fifteen  million  bushels),  which 
the  retainers  of  the  great  clan  had  expected,  the 
amount  of  the  fief’s  revenue  was  fixed  at  seven 
hundred  thousand  koku  (4,400,000  bushels) 
annually.  Those  whose  fortunes  were  wrecked 
went  to  dwell  in  large  numbers  in  Shidzuoka, 
Suruga’s  chief  city  and  the  home  of  lyeyasu  in 
his  later  life.  It  was  there  that  I talked  with 
many  of  them. 

Keiki  lived  in  Mito,  but  there  was  danger  that 
the  disaffected  might  seize  his  person  and  set  up  a 
new  sort  of  pretender.  He  therefore  petitioned 
the  Court  that  he  might  be  allowed  to  live  in 
Shidzuoka.  His  request  was  granted. 

There,  in  “the  St.  Helena  of  Tokugawaism,” 
this  last  of  the  Shoguns  dwelt  for  a generation, 
firmly  refusing  to  emerge  from  his  seclusion,  to 
see  strangers  or  to  take  any  part  whatever  in 
political  affairs.  In  the  name  of  the  new  head  of 
the  family,  Tokugawa  lyesato,  his  able  advisers 
and  guardians  established  in  Shidzuoka  a school 
of  science  and  modern  languages,  and  sent  a com- 
missioner to  the  writer,  when  at  Fukui,  to  engage 
an  American  teacher,  who  was  Mr.  Edward  War- 
ren Clark,  author  of  the  life  of  “Katz  Awa, 


14-4- 


THE  MIKADO 


Founder  of  Japan’s  Modern  Navy,”  and  other 
books. 

In  1902,  hale  and  hearty,  and  the  father  of  a 
large  family  of  sons  and  daughters,  created  a 
marquis,  invited  by  His  Gracious  Majesty,  the 
Emperor,  to  live  in  Tokyo  and  later  made  a 
Prince  of  the  Empire,  Keiki  returned  to  his  old 
home  in  the  great  city,  now  so  greatly  changed 
in  environment,  to  live  until  1913.  In  1910  Count 
Okuma  was  able  to  obtain  from  Prince  Keiki  for 
his  book,  “Fifty  Years  of  New  Japan,”  a delight- 
fid  chapter  of  reminiscences  and  an  explanation 
of  his  conduct  that  breathed  throughout  love  to 
his  country  and  loyalty  to  his  Emperor. 

Opposition  in  the  north  had  centered  at  the 
lord  Aidzu’s  castle  of  Wakamatsu,  later  the  site 
of  Japan’s  greatest  steel  foundry.  The  siege 
began  October  8,  1868,  but  the  loyal  forces, 
though  armed  with  American  breechloading 
rifles,  had  only  twelve-pounder  siege  guns.  A 
combined  assault  was  made  on  October  30,  and 
the  castle,  after  prodigies  of  heroism,  surren- 
dered on  November  6.  The  Emperor  graciously 
pardoned  all  the  twenty-five  nobles  in  real  or 
nominal  rebellion,  and  their  repentant  retainers. 
In  the  usual  public  and  official  confession  of  sin, 
borrowed  from  Chinese  models,  he  blamed  him- 
self and  excused  the  crime  of  rebellion,  because 
the  Throne  had  not  been  honored  for  seven  cen- 
turies. The  final  proclamation,  on  November  1, 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


145 


1869,  a brief  but  noble  document,  reveals  JNIutsu- 
hito  as  a magnanimous  ruler,  a sincere  lover  of 
peace,  a reconciler,  and  the  true  father  of  a 
nation.  It  shows  how  well  the  Emperor  un- 
derstood the  Miltonic  dictum,  “AVlio  overcomes 
by  force,  hath  overcome  but  half  his  foe.”  Of 
the  heroic  maidens  at  Wakamatsu,  one  after- 
ward was  appointed  to  study  in  America,  grad- 
uated from  Vassar  College  and  became  the  wife 
of  Field  Marshal  Oyama. 

Here  is  part  of  the  text  of  the  Imperial  pardon 
which  shared  the  moral  burden  of  blame : 

“We  have  heard  that  a great  Prince  draws 
after  him  his  subjects  by  his  virtue,  while  an 
ordinary  ruler  meets  them  with  provisions  of  the 
law.  In  our  opinion,  the  unnatural  condition  of 
rebellion  depends  solely  on  the  possession,  or 
want,  of  kingly  virtue  in  the  Sovereign.  Now 
that  peace  has  been  restored  in  our  dominions  and 
a settled  state  of  things  established  throughout 
the  Empire,  it  is  our  pleasure  to  grant  pardons 
to  Keiki,  Katamori,  and  their  adherents,  and  to 
encourage  them  to  a spontaneous  reform  of  their 
lives.  Thus  shall  our  royal  clemency  be  extended 
throughout  the  Empire.” 

As  we  noticed  before,  on  November  3,  1868, 
the  birthday  of  the  Emperor,  now  sixteen  years 
old  (eighteen,  in  native  reckoning)  was  cele- 
brated, and  henceforward  was  to  be  a festival 
throughout  the  whole  Empire.  No  capital  pun- 


146 


THE  MIKADO 


ishment  may  take  place  on  that  date,  and  with 
holiday  and  rejoicing,  it  has  become  one  of  the 
greatest  days  of  the  year  for  Japanese  in  all  parts 
of  the  world.  Chronology  was  also  partially  re- 
formed. It  was  announced  that  thereafter  there 
should  be  only  one  nen-go,  or  year  period,  for 
each  reign,  the  new  era  being  named  Meiji,  or 
Enlightened  Rule.  It  is  a pity  that  the  Japa- 
nese did  not  part  completely  with  their  old  sys- 
tem, so  utterly  worthless  before  A.D.  645,  and 
so  confusing  ever  since. 

Another  bold  break  with  tradition!  The  Sho- 
gunal  City  of  the  Bay  Door  was  to  become  a 
Kyo,  or  capital.  To  prepare  the  minds  of  the 
people  for  the  change,  it  was  declared  that  there 
should  be  two  capitals,  eastern  and  western, 
Kyoto  was  to  be  called  Saikyo,  or  the  Western 
Capital,  and  Yedo,  Tokyo,  or  the  Eastern  Cap- 
ital. When  I was  in  Japan  native  gentlemen 
always  spoke  of  Mutsuhito  as  the  Mikado  and 
the  old  city  as  “Saikyo,”  and  the  new  capi- 
tal as  “Tokyo.”  Now  the  term  Saikyo  is  almost 
obsolete. 

To  reach  Tokyo,  Mutsuhito  began  an  overland 
journey  of  nearly  a month,  which  now,  by  steam, 
on  steel  rails,  occupies  a day. 

In  token  of  quiet  in  the  north,  the  Emperor 
received  hack  from  his  general,  Arisugawa,  the 
brocade  banner  and  the  sword  of  justice.  Yet 
though  “all  was  peace  Within  the  Four  Seas”  on 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


11.7 


land,  there  was  war  on  the  water.  On  October  4 
the  eight  vessels  of  the  old  Yedo  Government, 
with  about  3,000  men,  sailors,  soldiers  and  former 
retainers  of  Tokugawa,  imder  the  head  of  Ad- 
miral Enomoto,  who  had  been  educated  in  Hol- 
land, left  Yedo  Bay  and  went  north,  declaring 
their  purpose  to  colonize  and  develop  the  archi- 
pelago called  the  Hokkaido,  or  Northern  Sea 
Gate.  Taking  possession  of  several  towns  in 
Yezo,  they  proclaimed  a republic.  Following 
American  precedent  and  customs,  they  balloted 
for  officers.  The  new  born  state,  saluted  by  the 
guns  of  the  Fort  Kameda,  near  Hakodate,  was 
inaugurated,  and  “universal  suffrage”  declared  to 
be  the  basis  of  the  Constitution,  though  only  the 
Samurai  could  vote. 

This  republic,  of  untimely  birth,  had  not  a 
thousand  years  of  evolution  behind  it.  Other 
plans  were  made  and  dreams  enjoyed.  The  new 
Jonah’s  gourd  flourished,  but  on  April  21  the 
east  wind  withered  all.  The  Imperial  fleet  of  six 
steamers,  reinforced  by  the  ex-Confederate  iron- 
clad Stonewall,  just  arrived  from  the  United 
States,  started  northward.  After  some  fighting, 
both  on  land  and  sea,  the  insurgent  forces  were 
defeated.  The  short  lived  “Hokkaido  Republic” 
melted  into  oblivion,  and  by  the  end  of  the  month 
of  JMay  the  war  was  a thing  of  the  past.  Another 
republic  of  the  Jonah’s  gourd  pattern,  which 
sprang  up  in  Formosa,  fifteen  years  later,  was 


148 


THE  MIKADO 


likewise  shrivelled  up  and  withered  in  oblivion. 

Again  Miitsuhito’s  name  beeame  a prineiple  of 
national  unity.  Enomoto,  Hayashi  (later  of 
London)  and  Otori,  once  arrayed  against  the 
Imperial  banner,  became,  when  pardoned,  among 
the  ablest  and  most  trusted  servants  and  envoys 
of  the  Emperor. 

All  talk  of  “the  Tycoon’s  returning  to  power” 
ceased  by  the  summer  of  1869,  when  the  head  of 
the  Empire  was  dwelling  in  Yedo  and  every  hos- 
tile weapon  had  been  grounded.  “All  was  peace 
under  Heaven.”  The  port  of  Niigata,  on  the 
west  coast,  was  formally  opened  to  foreign  trade, 
and  on  January  6 the  envoys  of  the  six  treaty 
Powers,  which  had  long  ago  recognized  the  new 
Government,  were,  with  their  naval  and  military 
staffs,  received  in  audience  by  the  Emperor.  At 
home  the  way  of  reconciliation  was  opened  wide, 
because  the  Mikado  put  in  practice  the  principles 
of  vicarious  sacrifice  and  in  an  edict  bore  all 
blame.  Taking  also  long  views  into  the  perspec-. 
tive  of  history,  he  shouldered  the  blameworthiness 
of  rebellion,  because  “the  sovereign  had  not  ad- 
ministered the  laws  during  the  past  seven  hundred 
years.”  No  one  was  put  to  death,  and  only  two 
out  of  the  twenty-five  rebellious  nobles — mere 
figureheads,  the  real  offenders  being  their  retain- 
ers— were  condemned  to  retire  from  public  life. 
Rinno  ji  no  Miya,  a pretender  by  compulsion, 
was  placed  in  seclusion  in  Kyoto. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


149 


In  the  vista  of  the  twentieth  century,  how  vast 
the  changes!  Time  has  healed  the  war  scars  of 
Aidzu  and  the  Hokkaido.  Of  the  beaten  clans- 
men, thousands  of  veterans  or  their  children,  are 
in  the  Christian  churches,  especially  in  those  of 
the  Greek  Catholic  communion.  Hundreds  of 
able  swordsmen  paid  off,  individually,  their  scores 
with  Satsuma  in  1877  and  1878,  while  long  since 
the  names  of  “rebel,”  “vassal,”  “pretender”  have 
been  buried  in  those  of  forgiven  and  now  de- 
votedly loyal  subjects  of  one  Emperor,  even  as 
they  are  the  servants  of  one  common  country. 
The  supreme  influence  in  the  transformation  has 
been  that  of  the  Man  of  Peace,  Mutsuhito,  Em- 
peror of  Divine,  Unconquerable  Everlasting, 
Great  Japan. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


THE  GOD  BECOMES  HUMAN 

The  Government  of  1867  had  been  formed  on 
the  theory  of  a closer  union  between  the  Emperor 
and  his  people,  through  the  medium  of  three  sets 
of  officers,  Kuge,  Daimio,  and  Samurai;  or.  Court 
Nobles,  barons  and  gentlemen.  “The  people” 
did  not  yet  exist  in  any  political  sense. 

It  will  be  interesting  to  note  what  strong  men 
the  young  Emperor  was  able  to  gather  round  him, 
for  the  carrying  out  of  his  ideas  and  theirs.  The 
most  active  man  of  the  old  nobility  and  chief 
agent  at  Court  of  the  progressive  clansmen  was 
Iwakura  Tomomi.  Of  immemorial  lineage, 
sprung  from  the  Minamoto  family,  allied  in  blood 
with  the  Emperor,  a consummate  master  of  state- 
craft, he  had  never  seen  an  Occidental  until  fifty- 
five  years  of  age.  Yet  his  long  experience  with 
courtiers  and  the  Shogun’s  officers  in  Kyoto  made 
him  easily  the  match  of  any  of  the  foreign  Minis- 
ters whom  he  confronted.  Made  Junior  Prime 
Minister  in  the  triple  Premiership,  Iwakura  was 
the  constant  adviser  of  the  Emperor  and  of  the 
new  and  younger  statesmen.  Early  in  1869, 
under  the  plea  of  ill  health,  so  usual  among 

150 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


151 


Japanese  men  of  station,  and  always  accepted 
without  delay  or  inquiry,  he  asked  to  be  relieved 
of  his  offices.  His  request  was  only  partially 
granted,  for  his  purpose  was  easily  read.  He 
followed  the  custom  of  resigning  in  form  in  order 
to  gain  more  of  the  substance  of  power.  It  was 
a “change  of  the  mats,  but  not  of  the  floor.”  He 
was  reappointed,  with  larger  powers. 

The  new  Government  had  no  money  and  Japan 
no  actual  unity,  and  the  average  Japanese  no 
true  patriotism.  Asked  of  what  comitry  he  was 
a native,  his  instinctive  reply  was,  “Echizen,” 
“Tosa”  or  “Satusma,”  as  the  case  might  be.  The 
personal  sense  of  nationality  was  then  very  weak. 
In  such  a state  of  division,  a new  civil  war  might 
break  out  any  time. 

The  able  men  of  low  rank,  who  gave  direction 
to  the  public  opinion  of  the  clans,  were  now  the 
real  rulers  of  the  nation,  and  they  had  foreseen 
the  dangers  ahead.  The  castle  lords  were  unable 
to  meet  the  situation.  Only  one  out  of  forty  of 
the  Daimios  had  any  special  ability  to  face  the 
new  situation.  The  leader  in  thought,  if  not  in 
act,  among  them  was  Echizen,  who,  as  earlj"  as 
February,  1869,  in  a memorial  to  the  Emperor, 
proposed  a return  to  the  Imperial  Government  of 
his  castle,  fief,  and  roster.  If  a blow  was  to  be 
struck  to  give  the  reality,  as  well  as  the  notion  of 
power,  it  must  be  done  in  the  Emperor’s  name, 
and  the  resolve  was  made  to  strike  the  blow 


152 


THE  MIKADO 


quickly.  Ito  was  one  of  the  first  to  propose  the 
abolition  of  feudalism  at  one  stroke  but  it  was 
Kido,  the  “Pen  of  the  Revolution,”  who  was 
chosen  to  forge,  on  his  inkstone,  that  thunder  bolt, 
mightier  than  the  sword,  which  was  to  demolish 
feudalism. 

These  students  and  men  of  the  new  age  had  es- 
tablished a newspaper,  called  the  Official  Ga- 
zette. In  this,  on  March  5,  appeared  a petition, 
following  in  the  line  of  Echizen’s  proposal,  from 
the  four  Daimios  of  Satsuma,  Choshiu,  Tosa  and 
Hizen.  It  was  a document  in  the  modern  style,  a 
new  state  paper  in  the  new  state.  Rapidly  sur- 
veying the  history  of  the  country,  with  rhetoric 
phenomenally  free  from  Chinese  expressions  and 
precedents,  that  author  argued  that  everything 
in  Japan  belonged  to  the  Emperor,  and  that  re- 
sults should  instantly  follow  upon  the  truth 
realized,  in  accordance  with  this  doctrine.  Action 
followed  on  the  word,  according  to  the  dominant 
Oyomei  philosophy,  and  this  was  the  ending: 
“We  now  reverently  offer  up  the  list  of  our  pos- 
sessions and  men.  Let  ...  all  proceed  from  the 
Emperor;  let  all  the  affairs  of  the  Empire,  great 
and  small,  be  referred  to  him.” 

Centuries  of  exercise  had  made  sovereign  the 
rights  thus  surrendered  by  the  leaders  of  four 
great  clans.  The  lightning  struck  home,  shiver- 
ing the  superstructure  of  feudalism.  So  powerful 
an  example  was  quickly  followed.  In  forty  days 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


153 


118  out  of  the  276  Daimios  restored  their  fiefs  to 
the  Emperor,  and  soon  the  total  number  reached 
241.  The  minority  of  seventeen  was  disregarded. 
The  old  castle  lords  returned  landless  to  their 
fiefs,  to  act  temporarily  as  province-governors. 
“Han-chiji”  (province-governor)  was  the  title 
in  signature  to  the  document  handed  me,  March 
5,  1871,  by  the  former  Daimio,  Mochiaki,  when 
welcoming  me  to  Fukui,  as  organizer  of  educa- 
tion, under  the  still  existing  feudalism,  into  the 
province  of  Echizen.  So  far  as  the  writer  has 
learned,  he  was  the  first  under  the  Imperial  Char- 
ter Oath,  brought  directly  from  a foreign  country 
to  Japan — the  file  leader  of  a mighty  army  of 
Yatoi,  or  salaried  foreign  helpers,  to  be  emplo5'ed 
in  “relaying  the  foundations  of  the  Empire.” 

In  execution  of  his  oath  the  young  Emperor 
had  called  a parliament,  which  opened  in  Kyoto 
on  April  18,  1869.  About  200  out  of  the  276 
members,  all  Samurai,  were  present.  It  was  not 
a national  assembly,  for  neither  the  cities  nor  the 
towns  were  represented,  but  only  the  clans.  The 
people  at  large  had  no  voice.  Without  power, 
such  an  assembly  was  really  nothing  more  than  a 
select  debating  society,  from  which  few  practical 
results  could  be  or  were  obtained.  Radicals  and 
reformers,  and  some  of  them  very  able  men,  there 
were,  but  the  general  tone  of  the  assembly  was 
ultra-conservative.  The  propositions  to  allow 
freedom  of  conscience,  with  other  liberal  meas- 


154 


THE  MIKADO 


ures,  were  voted  down.  When  Ai’inori  Mori, 
later  Minister  at  Washington,  proposed  to  abol- 
ish hara-kiri,  and  the  wearing  of  two  swords,  he 
was  hooted  at.  Having  neither  information,  nor 
intellectual  equipment  for  political  business,  these 
talkers  were  dismissed,  having  done  nothing.  It 
was  like  the  first  parliament  of  the  English  com- 
monwealth in  1655,  or  of  the  republican  China 
in  1913. 

When,  on  April  18,  the  young  Emperor  left 
Kyoto  for  the  East,  the  fiery  patriots  in  his  old 
body  guard,  numbering  about  two  thousand,  im- 
plored the  Son  of  Heaven  not  to  leave  the  Sacred 
City  nor  to  pollute  himself  by  intercourse  with 
foreigners.  They  were  in  reality  earnest  protes- 
tants  against  the  new  theology,  which,  while  out- 
wardly contravening  traditional  notions,  was  in 
reality  fulfilling  the  old;  for  the  Mikado  was  to 
become,  more  than  ever,  the  embodiment  of  the 
national  religion  and  the  incarnation  of  the  gods, 
or  divine  ancestors.  The  revival  of  Shinto  had 
made  the  Throne  the  center  and  heart  of  the 
whole  nation.  When  His  Majesty  persisted 
these  militant  Shintoists,  consumed  with  zeal,  fol- 
lowed him  to  Yedo. 

In  the  swarm  of  travellers  on  the  Eastern  Sea 
Road,  some  of  these  fire  eaters  had  insulted  for- 
eigners, rousing  the  ire  of  Sir  Harry  Parkes  and 
the  other  envoys.  Because  the  Japanese  officers 
would  not  punish  the  offenders,  the  diplomatists 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


155 


at  once  promptly  refused  to  transaet  any  more 
publie  business. 

The  eity  of  Tokyo  was  crowded  with  Jo-i,  or 
alien-haters.  Their  manifestos,  posted  on  the 
Great  Bridge  of  Japan,  declared  that  “Gradually 
the  detestable  barbarian  beeomes  more  overbear- 
ing and  the  instances  of  his  misconduet  are  num- 
erous. Driving  about  in  carriages,  ete.,  he  often 
infliets  injuries  on  those  walking  in  the  street  and 
rides  on  without  any  coneern.  . . . When  the 
foreign  savages  act  in  this  unlawful  manner,  cut 
them  down,  and  by  thus  displaying  the  patriotic 
intrepidity  of  the  men  of  Japan,  crush  the  cour- 
age of  the  barbarian.” 

Too  true!  In  a land  where  wheeled  veliicles 
were  almost  imknown  the  foreigners,  many  of 
them  fresh  from  China,  rode  and  drove  about, 
more  like  Tartars  than  Christians.  On  horse- 
back and  in  carriages,  riding,  even  galloping, 
without  bettos  (runners),  in  dangerous  violation 
of  long  established  Japanese  custom,  in  crowded 
thoroughfares,  in  whieh  street  and  sidewalk  were 
one,  these  rough  riders  often  hurt  people  who 
were  unused  to  rapidly  moving  wheeled  vehicles. 
Nor  were  all  the  first  comers  to  Japan  the  most 
gentle  in  the  world.  The  common  people’s  term 
for  most  of  them,  sailors,  was  dammurizehito 
(D — n your  eyes  man). 

Yet  despite  internal  reaetion  and  weakness, 
and  diseouragement  from  their  guests,  farseeing 


156 


THE  MIKADO 


men  like  Iwakura,  Okubo,  Echizen  and  Date 
were  firm  in  their  policy  of  friendship  to  strang- 
ers. The  age  of  the  hermit  was  over.  True  na- 
tionalism meant  internationalism. 

It  was  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  “a  nation 
within  a nation,”  when,  on  May  25,  1869,  the 
order,  rank  or  caste  of  the  Samurai  was  abol- 
ished. The  Emperor  issued  his  decree,  assimi- 
lating the  civil  and  military  classes,  placing  them 
on  a footing  of  equality.  The  populace  was  di- 
vided into  three  grades,  nobles,  gentry,  and  com- 
mons. “Kuge  and  buke,”  landless  Court  Noble 
and  landed  lord,  were  made  one  under  the  general 
name  of  Kuazoku,  or  noble  family. 

The  Samurai  was  to  be  lost  in  the  mass,  for  all 
the  people  were  now  servants  of  the  Mikado. 
Thus  Mutsuhito  abolished  the  division  and 
closed  the  fissure  that  for  a thousand  years  had 
split  Japan  into  two  nations.  The  Samurai  (the 
word  means  simply  servant  of  the  Mikado),  or 
gentry,  including  all  feudal  beneficiaries  from 
daimio  to  poor  ronin,  who  had  formed  a nation 
within  a nation,  were  now  the  gentry  and  named 
shizoku,  and  the  common  people  heimin.  The 
Japan  of  the  books,  the  Samurai’s  Japan,  was 
passing  away.  The  new  J apan  of  the  people  was 
coming  in. 

The  Imperial  Government,  by  edict,  reserved 
to  itself  the  appointment  of  all  offices  hitherto 
held  under  the  late  Daimios  or  Castle  Lords. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


157 


From  this  time  forward  all  the  han,  or  prefectures, 
were  administered  on  a uniform  plan  throughout 
the  Empire.  One-tenth  of  the  revenue  raised  was 
set  apart  as  the  governor’s  salary.  The  remain- 
der, after  defraying  public  expenses,  was  to  go 
into  the  Imperial  treasury.  The  term  lian  means 
literally  “wall”  and  the  term  was  chosen  to  signify 
that  his  prefectures  were  the  bulwarks  of  the 
Throne. 

The  way  being  now  open,  that  provision  of 
the  “Charter  Oath”  was  carried  out.  The  men 
of  Echizen  led  the  procession  of  INIacedonians, 
who  beckoned  across  the  water  to  men  of  special 
ability  and  cried  “Com.e  over  and  help  us.” 
Through  Verbeck,  their  friend,  whom  they  had 
simimoned  to  Tokyo  to  be  their  factotum,  and  to 
organize  a national  system  of  education,  they 
asked  for  a teacher  of  English  (Mr.  Alfred 
Lucy)  ; a plij-^sician  (who  never  came)  ; a mili- 
tary instructor  (Captain  Frank  Brinkley,*  ap- 
pointed to  Fukui,  but  retained  by  the  Imperial 
Government)  ; a geologist  and  miner  (who  never 
arrived) ; and  a teacher  of  science  and  superin- 
tendent of  education.  The  latter  was  the  writer, 
who  reached  Yokohama  December  29,  1870,  and 
spent  seven  weeks  in  Tokyo,  before  proceeding 
into  the  interior,  where  he  arrived  at  Fukui, 
March  4,  1871,  to  witness,  until  October  1,  1871, 

* Author  of  “The  Oriental  Series”  and  editor  of  the  Japan  Mail 
until  his  decease  in  1913. 


158 


THE  MIKADO 


life  under  the  feudal  system,  then  a thousand 
years  old,  and  to  remain  until  January  27,  1872. 
The  early  abolition  of  feudalism  was  the  chief 
reason  why  the  writer  had  (excepting  Mr.  Lucy, 
for  a short  time)  no  colleagues  in  Fukui.  Never- 
theless in  the  day  when  foreigner-hating  ronin, 
or  wouldbe  assassins,  were  so  numerous,  and  no 
life  insurance  company,  except  at  a heavy  pre- 
mium, would  accept  the  risk  of  insuring  an  Amer- 
ican life  when  spent  in  Japan,  other  reasons  had 
weight  to  deter.  Except  as  a lure  to  danger, 
Nippon  had  then  few  attractions  to  a young  man 
well  settled  at  home. 

The  young  Emperor  could  not  see  the  actual 
rulers,  with  whom  he  had  made  treaties,  but  their 
sons  and  kinsmen  were  travellers  abroad  and 
Japan  would  be  visited.  To  these,  facing  the 
inevitable,  the  Mikado  was  prepared  to  give  au- 
dience. How  to  do  it,  and  not  be  defiled,  was  a 
sore  problem  to  the  Shinto  casuists  and  ultra- 
orthodox theologians,  to  whom  His  Majesty  was, 
literally,  the  Son  of  Heaven.  Ordinarily,  to 
cleanse,  from  his  own  pollution,  a mortal  being 
admitted  to  the  presence  of  the  Mikado,  as  head 
of  the  Shinto  religion,  the  gohei,  or  spirit-pres- 
ence-wand,  was  waved  or  flourished  over  the 
person,  or  he  was  rubbed  with  this  holy  emblem 
to  purify  him  of  ritual  uncleanness.  This  was 
the  substitute  for  a “live  coal  from  off  the  altar,” 
to  purge  the  unclean  lips. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


159 


It  would  never  do,  however,  to  attempt  visibly 
and  openly  any  ceremony  of  lustration  upon  a 
royal  guest,  nor  would  a Christian  prince  or  gen- 
tleman submit  to  it.  By  an  inglorious  comprom- 
ise host  and  guest  saved  their  credit. 

His  Majesty’s  first  visitor  was  the  Duke  of 
Edinburgh,  who  arrived  on  August  19,  1869,  and 
next  day  was  given  residence  at  the  Strand  Pal- 
ace overlooking  Yedo  Bay.  At  a convenient  dis- 
tance from  the  hall  of  audience,  rites  with  wands 
of  gohei  and  other  Shinto  appliances  were  per- 
formed by  the  white  robed  and  black  capped 
priests,  in  order  to  exorcise  any  evil  spirits  or 
influences  which  might  have  accompanied  repre- 
sentatives from  such  outlandish  countries  as 
England  and  Scotland,  which  orthodox  Shinto 
commentators  taught  had  been  made  from  the 
sea  foam  and  mud  left  over  after  the  creation  of 
the  Heavenly  Country,  Japan,  by  the  ancestors 
of  the  Mikado. 

Mutsuhito  invited  the  Duke  to  a private  inter- 
view at  the  Waterfall  Pavilion,  in  the  Palace 
grounds.  Attended  by  five  or  six  of  his  nobles 
and  the  Prime  Minister,  His  Majesty  arose,  as 
the  British  Prince  entered,  and  bowing,  begged 
his  guest,  who  was  accompanied  by  Sir  Henry 
Parkes  and  Admiral  Keppel,  to  be  seated.  Mr. 
Mitford,  the  accomplished  translator  and  author, 
whose  “Tales  of  Old  Japan”  have  become  classic, 
acted  as  interpreter,  and  Sir  Charles  Beresford 


160 


THE  MIKADO 


was  one  of  the  naval  offieers  present.  The  two 
most  illustrious  persons  sat  down,  but  the  others 
remained  standing.  Conversation  followed,  the 
Duke  presenting  the  Emperor  with  a diamond 
mounted  snuff  box  as  a souvenir.  This  lovely 
space,  Hama  Goten,  later  the  En  Rio  Kuan,  was 
set  apart  permanently  for  the  entertainment  of 
distinguished  foreigners.  At  the  British  Lega- 
tion the  ball  given  on  the  return  of  the  Duke  to 
Yokohama  was  attended  by  high  Japanese  offi- 
cers, among  whom  was  a prince  of  Imperial  blood. 

Sir  Henry  Parkes,  the  British  Minister,  who 
had  lived  in  China  from  boyhood,  on  coming  to 
Japan  in  June,  1865,  discovered  for  himself  the 
real  relation  of  Mikado  and  Shogun,  risking  his 
life  to  do  it.  He  had  been  the  efficient  agent  in 
helping  the  Japanese  to  put  a sound  financial 
basis  under  the  new  regime,  for  it  was  through 
his  influence  that  the  British  banks  made  a loan  of 
money.  During  a career  in  Japan  of  eighteen 
years.  Sir  Henry  was  the  steadfast  friend  of  the 
Mikado’s  Government,  and  no  native  reactionary 
assassin,  though  three  attempts  on  Parkes’s  life 
were  made,  was  able  to  kill  this  indomitable  Chris- 
tian and  friend  of  Japan. 

On  May  18,  1871,  Parkes  had  audience  of  leave 
before  the  Emperor.  As  a mark  of  special  es- 
teem the  Emperor  invited  Sir  Henry  to  a private 
audience,  and  asked  his  British  friend  to  express 
his  own  opinions  freely.  The  Englishman  urged 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


161 


the  Emperor  to  put  full  trust  in  his  Yatoi,  or  for- 
eign employees,  and  to  give  freedom  of  movement 
to  aliens  living  on  the  soil.  He  told  the  Emperor 
that  the  Japanese  would  never  be  recognized  as 
a civilized  people  while  they  persecuted  Chris- 
tians or  denied  freedom  of  conscience  to  any. 

Years  have  passed,  and  now  the  country  is 
open  and  free  to  all  law  abiding  people,  and  free- 
dom of  conscience  is  guaranteed  in  the  Constitu- 
tion of  a nation  which  is  slowly  but  surely 
becoming  Christian. 

In  later  years,  after  the  Anglo- Japanese  al- 
liance, Mr.  Mitford,  now  Lord  Kedleston, 
brought  to  JMutsuhito  the  insignia  of  the  Order 
of  the  Garter,  and  added  another  charming  book 
to  English  literature;  while  in  Windsor  Castle 
chapel,  among  the  historic  flags  of  the  order,  one 
notes  the  pendent  and  resplendent  gold  brocade 
sun  banner  of  the  Mikado  and  Eternal  Japan. 
The  like  dignity  of  knighthood,  in  the  oldest  of 
European  orders  of  chivalry,  with  star,  collar, 
and  mantle,  was  conferred  upon  Yoshihito,  the 
present  Emperor,  by  Prince  Arthur  of  Con- 
naught, in  the  Phoenix  Hall,  September  18, 
1912,  on  the  fiftieth  day  of  the  new  era  of  Taisho, 
or  the  Resplendence  of  Righteousness. 

This  progressive  and  friendly  policy  of  the 
Government  of  1867,  so  far  from  being  univer- 
sally welcomed  at  home,  meant  the  setting  up  of 
an  altar  for  the  immolation  of  fresh  victims.  The 


162 


THE  MIKADO 


roll  of  martyrs,  already  long,  was  lengthened. 
General  Omura,  vietor  of  Uyeno,  had  introduced, 
besides  the  military  discipline  of  the  West,  many 
foreign  customs.  Sent  to  Kyoto,  with  some  of 
the  fanatics  that  had  come  from  that  city,  Omura 
was  killed  on  October  8 in  the  same  city  by  these 
same  murderous  wretches,  one  of  whom  lost  his 
head  in  the  fight  which  ensued.  On  the  assassin’s 
person  was  a document  declaring  that  Omura  was 
slain  because  he  had  arbitrarily  introduced  the 
customs  of  the  barbarian.  To-day,  in  a lofty 
bronze  column  in  Tokyo,  the  statue  of  Omura 
stands  in  the  sunshine  and  his  name  is  honored  as 
the  military  reformer  who  led  in  the  change  from 
the  medieval  arms  and  tactics  to  the  modem 
forms. 

Secretary  William  H.  Seward’s  purchase  of 
Alaska  brought  the  frontier  of  the  United  States 
within  seven  hundred  miles  of  Dai  Nippon.  As 
Secretary  of  State  in  Washington  Mr.  Seward 
had  negotiated  with  the  first  Japanese  embassy 
sent  to  America.  A sincere  friend  of  the  rising 
nation,  he  had  frankly  denounced,  as  barbarous 
and  uncivilized,  the  persecution  of  Christians  in 
Japan.  When  in  Yokohama,  as  a tourist  round 
the  world,  Mr.  Seward  received  a special  invita- 
tion of  the  Mikado  to  come  to  Tokyo,  to  be  re- 
ceived “not  in  the  customary  official  manner,  but 
in  a private  audience,  as  an  expression  of  personal 
respect  and  friendship.” 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


163 


The  interview  is  described  in  Miss  Seward’s 
volume.  Frank  communication  was  solicited 
from  the  visitor.  Minister  Sawa,  who  soon  after- 
ward fell  under  the  assassin’s  sword,  told  Mr. 
Seward  that  “in  dealing  with  the  vanquished 
Tycoon’s  party”  the  Government  “had  copied  the 
example  of  toleration  given  them  by  the  United 
States.”  Lincoln  was  resting  from  his  labors,  but 
his  works  followed. 

The  Court  officers  inquired  in  detail  concerning 
the  American  method  of  taking  the  decennial 
census  and  the  collection  and  disbursement  of  the 
public  revenues.  Not  long  after,  the  Imperial 
Government  imported  a financial  expert  from 
Washington,  General  Williams,  and  replenished 
the  national  coffers  by  putting  in  operation  a 
modified  form  of  the  internal  revenue  system  of 
the  United  States.  Instead  of  borrowing  money 
at  ten  and  twelve  per  cent,  loans  were  floated 
at  seven  per  cent,  through  General  Williams’s 
representations  abroad  of  Japan’s  stability. 

The  Emperor  quickly  realized  that  a new  world 
of  ideas  and  time  values  had  come.  An  atmos- 
phere electric  with  the  quickened  pulses  of  bustle 
and  activity  filled  the  Government  offices.  On 
October  2,  1869,  two  Austrian  ships  of  war  with 
treaty  envoys  arrived  at  Yokohama.  The  Kai- 
ser’s representatives  had  audience  of  the  Mikado 
on  the  sixteenth,  and  on  the  eighteenth  negotia- 
tions were  finished  and  the  documents  signed.  Id 


164 


THE  MIKADO 


old  daj'^s,  months  were  wasted  before  results  were 
visible. 

Baron  de  Hiibner,  Austrian  Minister  to  the 
France  of  Louis  Napoleon,  from  1849  to  1859, 
and  author  of  that  charming  book  “A  Ramble 
Round  the  World,”  enjoyed  an  interview  with 
the  Mikado  on  September  1C,  and  reports  thus 
his  impression  of  his  Imperial  host; 

“The  features  of  Mutsuhito  bear  the  character 
of  the  Japanese  race:  his  nose  is  large  and  flat- 
tened; his  complexion  is  sallow;  but  his  eyes  are 
sharp  and  brilliant,  in  spite  of  the  immobility 
which  eticpiette  prescribes.  I had  often  met  faces 
like  his  in  the  streets  of  Yedo.  His  costume  was 
as  simple  as  possible — a dark  blue  tunic,  almost 
slate  color,  and  wide  scarlet  trousers.  His  hair 
was  done  in  native  fashion;  but  he  wore  a colossal 
aigrette,  made  of  bamboo  and  horse  hair,  which, 
fixed  behind  the  right  ear,  rose  vertically  at  the 
least  movement.  This  is  the  insignia  of  supreme 
rank.  Neither  the  Mikado  nor  any  of  his  Min- 
isters wears  jewels.  Except  at  the  moment  of 
speaking.  His  Majesty  held  himself  as  immov- 
able as  a statue.” 

The  photographs  of  the  emergent  Imperial 
hermit  of  Kyoto,  as  he  looked  in  1871,  show  that 
the  young  Emperor  was  unmistakably  nervous 
before  his  first  facing  of  the  camera.  In  spite  of 
Imperial  hauteur  he  appeared  either  frightened, 
or  defiant,  at  the  camera.  Vulgar  superstition 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


165 


imagined  that  every  time  a photograph  was  taken 
a portion  of  the  soul  went  into  the  image 
produeed. 

It  may  please  Americans  to  know  that  the  first 
foreigner  to  be  grasped  by  the  hand  in  hearty 
friendship  by  Mutsuhito  was  General  Ulysses  S. 
Grant.  Toward  him  the  Emperor  of  Japan 
showed  a special  friendship,  because,  even  more 
than  a soldier  who  hated  militarism,  this  leader  of 
men  had  shown  himself  a peace  lover  and  pro- 
moter of  concord.  The  two  men  met  as  peace- 
makers, rather  than  as  conunanders-in-chief. 
Mutsuliito  adopted  Grant’s  suggestion  that  the 
then  burning  question  of  the  Riu  Kiu  (Loo 
Choo)  Islands  should  be  settled  by  a Joint  High 
Commission,  after  the  example  of  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain.  Commissioners  were 
appointed,  held  their  sessions  and  concluded,  as 
they  supposed,  their  labors,  on  October  21,  1880. 
Then  the  whole  procedure  was  turned  into  a farce 
by  the  Chinese  Government’s  taking  the  matter 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  “plenipotentiaries”  and 
putting  it  into  those  of  its  Superintendents  of 
Trade ! 

This  piece  of  Manchu  perfidy  gave  the  first 
serious  impetus  to  the  war  with  China  which  broke 
out  in  1904. 


CHAPTER  XVII 


MUTSUHITO  UNIFIES  THE  NATION 

The  Mikado’s  policy  of  leniency  toward  all  the 
disaffected  was  grandly  successful.  Not  only 
were  the  old  clan  leaders,  once  hostile  to  the  new 
form  of  government,  received  back  into  Imperial 
favor,  but  the  brilliant  abilities  and  great  talents 
of  many  of  them  were  utilized,  with  vast  national 
benefits.  Many  were  appointed  to  high  office. 

Although  the  Emperor  was  married  and  was 
supposed  to  have  absolute  power,  yet  upon  its 
full  exercise,  in  1869,  wisdom  placed  limits,  as 
the  Constitution  did  twenty  years  later.  When 
he  was  about  to  leave  Kyoto  with  his  bride  for 
Yedo,  the  old  conservatives,  who  had  held  to  the 
dogmatic  theology  of  Shinto,  alarmed  at  the 
“down  grade”  of  things  and  dogmas  holy,  made 
opposition  to  the  Empress’s  going  with  him. 
Their  militant  demonstration  of  orthodoxy  was 
so  great  that  a compromise  had  to  be  made. 
Haruko,  the  Imperial  bride,  was  left  behind  and 
the  Mikado  started  alone. 

F or  six  months  she  remained  in  her  native  city, 
and  then,  on  November  8,  started  for  her  future 
home,  to  dwell  with  her  husband  in  the  Far  East. 


166 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


167 


Again  the  fanatics,  ostentatious  in  their  phari- 
seeism,  made  some  attempt  to  restrain  her  from 
leaving  Kyoto,  but,  as  with  Rebecca,  her  word 
was  “Hinder  me  not.”  They  failed  to  change  her 
purpose  and  after  an  overland  journey  of  nine- 
teen days  she  rejoiced  her  Imperial  consort. 

We  may  now  glance  at  the  religious  import  of 
the  Restoration. 

The  apparent  weakness  of  the  average  Jaj)a- 
nese  in  the  personal  matter  of  religion  has  been 
often  illustrated  in  the  history  of  his  country. 
The  apparent  ease  with  which  he  changes  from 
one  cult  to  another,  while  seeming  to  prove  that 
his  faith  sits  lightly  upon  the  conscience,  may 
rather  reveal  the  tenacity  of  his  belief  in  Shinto 
and  his  adherence  to  ancestor  worship.  In  the 
unchanging  reality  underneath  the  varied  phe- 
nomena the  alien  may  be  deceived. 

In  the  province  of  Mito,  even  before  1850,  it 
had  been  seriously  proposed  to  abolish  Buddhism, 
its  temple  bells  being  utilized  for  the  casting  of 
cannon.  In  Satsuma  this  abolition  had  actually 
been  accomplished,  the  Buddhist  temples  being 
closed  or  turned  into  schools.  The  people  of  the 
Empire  who  were  now,  by  Imperial  proclama- 
tion, ordered  to  return  to  Shinto,  the  religion  of 
their  prehistoric  fathers,  did,  many  of  them,  obey 
as  quickly  as  in  the  sixteenth  century  they  became 
Roman  Catholic  by  order  of  their  feudal  lords. 


168 


THE  MIKADO 


The  actual  results  showed  that  even  the  power  of 
Mikadoism  had  limits. 

In  other  words,  what  had  thus  been  done 
locally  was,  in  1870,  attempted  on  a national 
scale,  and — failed. 

We  repeat:  Mikadoism  had  a new  outburst  of 
zeal,  backed  by  the  Government,  when  an  edict 
was  issued  ordering  the  people  to  return  to  a 
belief  in  Shinto.  Official  zealots  expected  com- 
plete conformity.  In  all  those  temples  in  which 
Buddhism  and  Shinto  had  been,  for  a thousand 
years,  more  or  less,  linked  together,  in  the  form 
called  Riobu  (mixed,  or  double),  especially  those 
which  had  originally  been  dedicated  to  the  Shinto 
divinities,  a general  separation  or  “purification” 
was  ordered.  This  decree,  so  far  as  related  to 
architecture,  was  carried  out  with  thoroughness. 
Some  of  the  most  splendid  edifices  in  the  Empire 
and  hundreds  of  the  smaller  shrines  were  stripped 
of  their  images,  furnishings  and  decorations. 
Everything  in  them  that  could  suggest  the 
dogma,  ritual,  or  symbols  imported  from  India 
disappeared.  Some  of  the  radical  reformers  even 
hoped  that  the  whole  nation  would  be  thus 
brought  into  the  Shinto  fold.  Buddhism  was  dis- 
established and  much  of  its  land  confiscated.  It 
was  Verbeck  who  let  the  Japanese  into  the  secret 
of  lay  trustees  of  ecclesiastical  property. 

Nevertheless,  as  a system  Buddhism  was  not 
seriously  injured.  Its  roots  were  too  deej).  Speak- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


169 


ing  generally,  the  movement  for  the  establish- 
ment of  a purified  and  national  Shinto  was, 
externally  at  least,  a failure.  The  “Revival” 
seemed  to  be  mainly  literary,  for  Shinto,  as  a true 
religion,  is  but  a shadow.  The  course  of  deca- 
dence may  be  traced  in  the  steps  taken  with  re- 
gard to  the  Government  establisliment.  At  first 
it  was  a council,  Jin  Gi  Kuan  (Council  of  Gods 
and  Men),  outranking  even  the  Dai  Jo  Kuan  or 
Great  Government  Council.  Thence  descending, 
it  became  a subordinate  department.  Later  it 
degenerated  into  a mere  bureau,  which  was  abol- 
ished after  a few  years.  Finally  the  whole  sys- 
tem was  so  far  secularized,  in  1900,  as  to  he  what 
it  is  now,  little  more  than  a patriotic  cult. 

Internally,  however,  Shinto  took  a new  life. 
In  the  presence  of  foreign  aggressions,  credal, 
economic  and  political,  this  body  of  sentiments 
and  traditions  helped  to  make  a new  nation  take 
the  place  of  local  fractions.  Indeed,  it  was  rather 
a smart  piece  of  statecraft  to  declare  officially  that 
Shinto  was  not  a “religion”  but  a political  bond 
of  national  unity.  This  has  enabled  the  Govern- 
ment virtually  to  coerce,  in  a measure,  the  con- 
sciences of  Christians  in  Japan  and  Korea.  The 
Constitution  grants  the  equality  of  religions,  but 
the  minions  of  the  bureaucracy  are  sometimes 
able,  as  in  Korea,  in  1912,  to  make  the  funda- 
mental law  of  the  land  a dead  letter. 

Meanwhile  the  double  problem  pressed,  how 


170 


THE  MIKADO 


to  win  back  Satsmna  and  to  create  an  army  that 
should  be  national.  The  military  question 
threatened  eomplications.  The  example  of  the 
United  States  in  maintaining  so  small  a standing 
army  exerted  a powerful  faseination  over  the 
minds  of  men  who  saw  that  Japan  was  a very 
poor  country  and  needed  first  of  all  to  develop 
her  resourees.  Okubo,  ahnost  the  overmastering 
intellect  in  the  Cabinet,  favored  the  Ameriean 
precedent.  He  would  have  the  Government  build 
a railway  from  one  end  of  Japan  to  the  other,  in 
order  to  destroy  sectionalism,  even  though  for 
generations  the  enterprise  paid  no  dividends. 
Outlay  in  money  would  be  justified  in  returns  of 
nationalization.  Others  urged  that  an  army 
suffieiently  large  to  keep  internal  order  would 
suffice,  while  the  bulk  of  the  new  national  revenue 
should  be  spent  on  publie  education,  as  the  eheap 
defence  of  the  nation,  and  on  harbors,  dykes, 
roads  and  modern  appliances.  Some  insisted  on 
the  need  of  arming  for  defence  against  predatory 
nations  and  the  arrogant  claims  of  China  and 
Russia.  After  long  and  serious  debate  among 
themselves  several  memhers  of  the  Cabinet  met, 
in  the  autiunn  of  1870,  at  the  house  of  Dr.  Guido 
F.  Verbeck,  head  of  the  University.  Stating  both 
sides  of  the  case,  they  appealed  to  him  for 
judgment. 

In  substance,  this  was  Verbeck’s  reply,  as  he 
himself  told  me,  in  January,  1871: 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


171 


“Gentlemen,  your  opinions  are  in  harmony 
with  those  of  the  best  men  in  every  civilized  coun- 
try. But  while  peace  is  the  dream  of  philoso- 
phers and  the  hope  of  the  Christian,  war  is  the 
history  of  mankind.  Considering  what  the  atti- 
tude of  European  Governments  toward  Asiatic 
nations  is,  I advise  you  to  fortify  your  coasts. 
Y ou  know  what  Great  Britain  has  done  in  India, 
and  France  in  Annam  and  Tonquin.  Germany, 
having  humbled  France,  will  soon  be  looking  for 
possessions  in  this  part  of  the  world,  and  may 
get  Formosa.  Russia  has  been  for  centuries 
steadily  moving  eastward,  she  already  occupies 
half  of  Saghalien,  and  in  1861  tried  to  seize 
Tsushima.  You  see  the  dangers.  They  are  real. 
Now,  gentlemen,  I advise  you,  besides  fortifying 
your  coasts,  to  create  a truly  national  army.  Ed- 
ucate the  young  men  while  you  train  them,  and 
make  promotion  open  to  all.  This  will  secure 
exactly  what  you  are  seeking.  It  will  destroy 
sectionalism  and  excess  of  class  conceit,  and  will 
fill  the  people  in  every  part  of  the  country  with 
a proper  pride  in  the  welfare  of  the  whole  nation 
and  an  earnest  zeal  for  His  Majesty’s  honor.” 
Verbeck’s  dictum  was  an  immediate  and  power- 
ful element  in  creating  Japan’s  national  army. 
The  mainspring  in  the  next  line  of  action  by  the 
Imperial  Cabinet  was  the  American’s  advice. 
Within  a few  weeks  after  the  conclave  in  Ver- 
beck’s house  steps  were  taken  to  form  a national 


172 


THE  MIKADO 


army,  on  exactly  the  plan  proposed  by  the  peace 
loving  but  wise  missionary.  Conscription,  which 
levelled  all  privilege  and  class  distinctions,  has 
been  proved  to  be  one  of  the  powerful  engines  in 
democratizing  Japan,  even  as  the  aristocratic 
lord  of  Satsuma  saw  and  vigorously  protested 
against.  While  levelling  down,  it  has  also  levelled 
up,  for  the  sons  of  the  once  social  outcasts  have 
won  glory  as  heroes. 

In  its  treatment  of  the  native  Christians  the 
new  Government  was  at  first  a “frog  in  a well.” 
It  acted  with  Russianlike  arbitrariness  and  a ram- 
pancy  of  barbarism,  to  which  the  full  freedom 
granted  in  1889  was  the  later  recoil.  Against  the 
united  protest  of  the  Ministers  of  foreign  Powers 
the  authorities  in  Tokyo  had  a ready  excuse.  The 
question  of  native  religion  in  any  form  was  one 
entirely  of  domestic  policy.  There  was  a strong 
party  in  the  country  which,  with  distorted  preju- 
dices, inherited  through  two  centuries  or  more, 
abhorred  what  they  imagined  to  be  Christianity. 
Moreover,  the  new  Government,  but  lately  estab- 
lished and  still  far  from  all  powerful,  could  not 
run  counter  to  the  general  opinion. 

Mikadoism  was  at  the  root  of  this  judgment 
and  manifesto.  The  Japanese  Ministers  knew 
only  too  well  that  respect  and  even  superstitious 
awe  for  the  Emperor  was  the  foundation  of  their 
polity,  nor  did  they  seem  then  to  know  that  the 
rising  tide  of  nationalism  was  not  wholly  the  re- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


173 


suit  of  the  forces  in  Mikadoism,  great  as  these 
were.  They  honestly  believed,  so  in  the  dark 
were  they,  that  the  presence  of  native  Christian- 
ity endangered  their  very  existence  as  a Govern- 
ment, just  as  in  Korea  it  has  been  fancied  that 
American  missionary  zeal  is  dangerous  not  only 
to  despotism  but  to  good  government.  Like  that 
of  many  theologians  and  politicians,  their  nar- 
rowminded logic  in  both  cases  was  faulty  in  the 
extreme. 

Nevertheless,  let  it  be  remembered  that  in  the 
eye  of  the  old  law  and  its  traditional  enforce- 
ment, Protestants  and  Greek  Catholics  were  not 
“Kiristans,”  or  followers  of  the  padres  or  friars, 
nor  had  the  Dutchmen  on  the  island  of  Deshima 
ever  been  so  considered,  inasmuch  as  they  used 
no  symbols  and  had  no  connection  with  the  In- 
quisition, or  propagation  of  opinion  and  cult  by 
violent  means.  Happily,  as  we  shall  see,  the 
Emperor  “hated”  his  fathers  and  with  personal 
pleasure  granted  freedom  of  conscience. 

For  two  generations,  however,  it  has  been  a 
serious  problem  in  Japan  how,  in  the  face  of 
popular  notions  and  family  traditions,  to  be  a 
patriotic  subject  of  the  Emperor,  while  also  liv- 
ing as  a Christian;  or,  in  other  words,  how  to 
adjust  the  relations  of  individual  rights  with 
communal  claims.  How  to  reverence  the  Mi- 
kado according  to  old  time  pagan  notions  and 
yet  to  give  unqualified  loyalty  to  Jesus,  his  spir- 


174 


THE  MIKADO 


itual  Master,  is  even  yet  a vital  problem  to  many 
a native  Christian. 

So  long  as  the  Throne  of  Nippon  is  based  on 
mythology,  and  so  long  as  things  spiritual  and 
temporal  are  mixed  up  in  Japanese  as  in  Rus- 
sian polities,  there  is  eonstant  danger  from  the 
Government  of  violation  of  the  Constitution, 
despite  the  strong  language  of  this  fundamental 
law,  in  favor  of  freedom  of  eonscience.  To  say 
nothing  of  China,  for  ages  a ehurch  nation,  and 
now  ofReially  in  favor  of  Confucianism,  this  poli- 
tical dogma  lay  at  the  root  of  the  troubles  in 
Korea  in  1912.  In  one  sense  the  Constitution, 
which  grants  the  rights  of  the  individual  in  a 
communal  civilization,  is  an  anachronism,  being 
in  spirit  and  letter  so  far  in  advance  of  the  tissue 
of  reality.  The  same  difficulties  are  seen  in  the 
Chinese  republic  of  1912.  When  abused,  the 
doctrines  of  Mikadoism  have  cramped  the  view 
and  narrowed  the  intellect  of  the  Japanese,  both 
as  individuals  and  as  a nation. 

When,  however,  ideas  are  properly  differen- 
tiated, there  ceases  to  be  any  difficulty.  As  soon 
as  Japan  drops  her  ancestor  worship  and  every 
pretense  of  state  churchism,  all  suspicion  as  to 
the  genuineness  of  her  reforms,  or  doubt  as  to 
Japan’s  continuing  in  the  path  of  real  progress 
will  pass  away. 

Thus,  in  Dai  Nippon,  war  has  been  steadily 
waged  between  reactionary  chauvinism  and  ever 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


175 


advancing  intelligence  and  patriotism.  At  times, 
even  with  the  twentieth  century,  it  has  seemed 
as  though  even  the  Department  of  Education 
would  be  seized  and  held  by  the  owls  and  the 
bats,  that  fanatical  officials  were  enslaving  the 
intellect  of  the  masses,  and  that  Japan  would 
revert  to  the  darkness  of  past  ages.  Gradually, 
however,  enlightenment  and  truth  have  won  their 
way  and  now,  in  the  Constitution,  religious 
liberty,  if  native  Christians  are  loyal,  vigilant 
and  courageous,  is  set  upon  an  immovable 
foundation. 

In  the  light  of  this  historic  episode  which  has 
taken  place  under  our  eyes,  one  may  well  ask 
whether  the  words  of  a certain  American  critic,* 
superb  in  his  own  field  of  art  and  architecture, 
written  in  1905,  are  worth  anything  if  taken  to 
represent  more  than  their  literal  expression. 
Does  he  truly  gauge  the  power  of  Japan’s 
Emperor  to  play  the  part  of  Canute,  except  to 
repeat  history’s  anecdote  of  failure?  Can  the 
chick  get  back  into  the  shell?  The  architectural 
critic  says: 

“A  word  from  the  right  source,  the  one  super- 
ior source,  the  IMikado,  would  send  the  whole 
ridiculous  card  house  of  Western  art  and  West- 
ern manners  crumbling  into  instantaneous 
collapse.” 

* “Impressions  of  Japanese  Architecture.”  Ralph  Adams  Cram. 


176 


THE  MIKADO 


Has  the  Mikado  any  such  power?  Mutsu- 
hito,  “the  very  incarnation  of  the  spirit  of 
Japan,”  is  dead,  and  in  February,  1914,  an  out- 
burst of  militant  democracy  in  Tokyo  overthrew 
the  Ministry. 

However,  in  the  matter  of  seeming  not  to  yield 
to  foreign  dictation  the  Japanese,  perhaps  even 
more  than  the  Chinese,  but  with  more  serious- 
ness, like  to  save  the  “face”  of  a thing.  He  most 
easily  wins  and  leads  them,  who  makes  the 
leader’s  will  and  purpose  seem  their  own.  This 
was  the  secret  of  the  amazing  influence  of  Ver- 
beck  of  Japan,  who  never  asked  a personal  favor, 
and  who  so  presented  his  views  as  to  make  his 
pupils  believe  that  these  were  of  their  own  initia- 
tive. What  he  diffused  as  gentle  showers  on  the 
mountain  tops  came  back  as  ocean  floods.  The 
Japanese  thought  they  were  entirely  original, 
real  creators  of  ideas,  when  they  were,  in  reality, 
mere  absorbents  and  docile  pupils.  Neverthe- 
less, their  true  genius  showed  itself  in  applica- 
tions. Unconsciously  borrowed  ideas  shamed  the 
originals.  “Adopt,  adapt,  adept,”  is  a process 
particularly  and  most  creditably  Japanese,  fit- 
ting their  country  to  be  the  middle  term  between 
the  Orient  and  the  Occident. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


TRIALS  OF  THE  YOUNG  EMPEROR 

Young  as  Mutsuhito  was,  he  was  early  called 
upon  almost  continually  for  lactive  service  as 
ruler.  After  adult  manhood  he  became  one  of 
the  most  industrious  of  sovereigns,  following  a 
daily  routine  of  duties.  It  was  this  severe  activ- 
ity that  early  qualified  him  to  know  men,  to  read 
their  motives,  and  to  gauge  quickly  their  value 
and  capacities.  Mutsuhito,  with  San  jo  and 
Iwakura,  formed  the  Supreme  Council,  which 
discussed  the  affairs  of  state.  When  matters  of 
great  importance  came  up,  all  the  Ministers  were 
called  in,  the  whole  body  forming  the  Dai  Jo 
Kuan,  or  Supreme  Council  of  the  Government, 
in  which  sat  three  prominent  men  of  Hizen,  two 
from  Choshiu,  one  from  Tosa  and  one  from 
Satsuma. 

The  powerful  Satsuma  clansmen,  believing 
themselves  to  have  been  the  principal  agents  in 
bringing  about  the  Restoration,  felt  that  they 
were  not  properly  rewarded  or  honored  in  the 
distribution  of  offices.  After  ten  years  strain, 
amid  the  toils  of  camp  and  field,  and  their  once 
insolent  victors  humbled,  was  this  slight  notice  of 

177 


178 


THE  MIKADO 


their  exertions  to  be  their  only  guerdons'  More- 
over, results  had  not  been  what  they  expected. 
Satsuma  was  not  supreme,  and  Japan,  especially 
Tokyo,  was  too  highly  flavored  with  things  for- 
eign. In  fact,  the  Satsuma  Unionists  came  into 
collision  with  the  Imperialists  who  were  now  in 
the  Cabinet.  In  a fit  of  hot  jealousy  they  left 
Tokyo  and  embarked,  in  July,  1870,  on  their 
steamers,  and  returned  home  in  the  far  South  to 
brood  over  their  discontent. 

The  Emperor  had  taken  the  first  steps  in  re- 
nunciation of  his  old  secluded  life,  and  entered 
gladly  upon  the  career  which  modern  conditions 
required.  The  former  mode  of  existence  in  her- 
mitage was  founded  on  the  theory  that  he  was  a 
god.  The  nation’s  new  life  was  expanding  on  the 
idea  that  he  was  a man.  Such  public  appear- 
ances could,  in  1870,  be  made  without  danger, 
whereas  only  two  years  before  they  would  have 
met  with  violent  protest  and  even  outbreak. 

On  May  7,  1870,  the  Mikado  appeared  uncur- 
tained in  public  in  the  new  capital.  Tens  of 
thousands  of  his  subjects  were  only  too  happy 
to  look  upon  the  face  of  their  august  ruler,  who 
rode  through  the  streets  of  Tokyo  to  the  plain  of 
Komaba,  to  review  his  soldiers,  cavalry,  infantry 
and  artillery,  not  yet  a true  national  army,  but 
only  a body  of  clansmen,  loyal  to  their  Mikado. 
The  Emperor  himself  seemed  to  enjoy  being  out 
doors  and  looking  upon  his  own  people.  On 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


179 


October  3,  despite  unpleasant  weather,  he  rode 
out  again  in  the  same  public  way,  to  review  his 
troops. 

The  same  impulse  toward  progress  was  felt  by 
the  members  of  the  Imperial  House.  Two 
princes  of  the  blood  left  the  shores  of  Japan, 
one  for  England,  the  other  for  the  United  States, 
the  latter  travelling  under  the  assumed  name 
Adzuma.  This  was  a compliment  to  the  new  part 
of  the  Empire,  in  which  the  INIikado  had  come  to 
live,  being  the  poetical  designation  of  the 
Kuanto,  or  Broad  East  of  Japan,  in  which 
Tokyo  is  situated. 

I had,  in  1870,  the  pleasure  of  meeting  and  of 
entertaining  this  young  gentleman  several  times 
in  both  New  York  and  Philadelphia.  It  amused 
me  to  find  that  in  most  cases  the  Americans  at 
first  took  Barnabas  for  Paul,  not  knowing  which 
was  Jupiter  and  which  was  Mercury.  The  in- 
terpreter, Mr.  Yagimoto,  from  Fukui,  was 
thought  to  be  the  nobleman.  This  was  probably 
not  only  on  account  of  his  polished  foreign  man- 
ners and  of  his  ability  to  speak  English  very  well, 
but  because  he  was  decidedly  handsomer  than  his 
august  master. 

The  problem  of  sulking  Satsuma  was  solved  in 
a way  exclusively  that  of  Old  J apan,  by  the  Em- 
peror’s sending  two  high  noblemen  with  Okubo, 
down  to  Kagoshima,  the  provincial  metropolis. 
Here  Nariaki,  the  uncle  of  the  ex-Daimio  and 


180 


THE  MIKADO 


brother  of  the  famous  Shimadzu  Saburo,  had  lived 
and  died.  Then,  canonized  or  deified,  he  joined 
the  interminable  list  of  Japanese  “gods,”  who 
once  were  men.  His  shrine  was  magnetic  to  pil- 
grims from  near  and  far.  Ostensibly  Mutsu- 
hito  sent  his  envoys  to  present  a sword  at  this 
shrine  and  “to  take  an  oath  to  the  ‘god’  to  exalt 
the  destinies  of  the  State.”  Thus  would  the  spirit 
of  this  stalwart  son  of  Nippon  be  soothed.  In 
addition  to  this  form  of  spiritualism.  His  Ma- 
jesty also  called  upon  the  living  Shimadzu  to 
come  to  the  aid  of  his  sovereign  and  country. 

The  written  reply  of  Shimadzu,  stuffed  with 
Chinese  rhetoric,  was  characteristic  of  the  now 
vanished  old  school  of  ethics  and  epistolary  writ- 
ing. He  “cannot  restrain  tears  of  joy  at  such  a 
signal  mark  of  Imperial  favor.”  He  privately 
thinks  that  “the  duty  of  a great  subject  to  his 
prince  is  one  and  simple;  namely,  fidelity  alone. 
To  forget  himself  for  the  sake  of  his  country  is 
the  highest  limit  he  can  reach.”  He  quotes 
Mencius,  though  not  according  to  verbal  inspira- 
tion. He  depends  upon  His  Majesty’s  super- 
natural virtue,  and  prays  that  “the  heavenly 
heart  may  be  pure  and  transparent.” 

The  chief  problem  confronting  the  new  Gov- 
ernment in  Tokyo  was  its  need  of  cash.  Without 
one  national  soldier,  it  possessed  only  moral 
power,  for  the  revolution  had  been  carried 
through  because  of  the  great  reverence  which  the 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


181 


Mikado’s  name  inspired.  The  physical  force, 
furnishing  fuel  for  this  motor  came  principally 
from  Satsuma,  Choshiu,  Tosa,  and  Echizen.  Yet 
if  Satsuma  should  now  refuse  to  cooperate,  the 
new  Government’s  danger  would  be  greatly  in- 
creased. The  work  of  the  two  envoys,  sent  south- 
ward and  reinforced  by  Kido,  was  to  persuade 
the  great  clans  to  hand  over  to  the  direct  control 
of  the  sovereign  large  quotas  of  their  own  troops 
and  thus  begin  an  Imperial  and  national  army. 

Satsuma  was  to  furnish  four  battalions  of  in- 
fantry and  four  of  artillery,  Choshiu  three 
battalions  of  infantry,  and  Tosa  two  battalions, 
each  of  infantry  and  artillery,  and  two  squadrons 
of  cavalry.  Other  clans  were  to  supply  soldiery 
in  the  same  manner.  This  was  done  in  due  course, 
and  April  2,  1871,  may  be  named  as  the  date  of 
the  beginning  of  the  modern  military  establish- 
ment of  Japan. 

I remember  the  joyful  day  at  Fukui  when 
word  came  into  the  far  interior,  that  the  path- 
way of  “glory  and  virtue”  was  open  to  the  youth 
of  all  classes,  by  entering  the  army.  It  was  like 
conferring  a patent  of  nobility  upon  a peasant, 
to  allow  him  to  bear  arms.  After  seeing  many 
contingents  of  the  old  clan  army,  I was  present 
by  invitation  at  the  review  of  the  first  regiment 
raised  in  Fukui.  The  young  men,  nondescript 
as  to  clothes  but  uniform  as  to  arms  and  equip- 
ment, marched  with  faces  flushed  with  a new  en- 


182 


THE  MIKADO 


thusiasm.  The  old  abysmal  distinctions  were 
forgotten,  for  Samurai  and  commoner,  in  the 
ranks,  were  one  in  hope  and  patriotism.  The 
spirit  of  the  knights  had  descended  into  the  whole 
nation,  making  the  invincible  hosts  that  were  to 
humble  proud  China  and  arbitrary  Russia. 

This  preliminary  work  was  done  none  too  soon. 
Besides  uprisings  of  peasants,  on  account  of  the 
injustice  of  local  officials,  there  was  one  more 
attempt,  in  1871,  to  set  up  a rival  Mikado  and 
reinstate  the  old  order  of  things.  It  illustrated 
the  old  proverb,  “Diamond  cut  diamond,”  but 
everything  was  planned  on  the  time  honored 
method,  which  was,  first  of  all,  to  get  possession 
of  the  person  of  some  one  of  the  princes  of  the 
Imperial  blood.  With  a Son  of  Heaven  in  their 
grip  the  usurpers  could  give  the  color  of  sanc- 
tity and  law  to  their  proceedings  done  in  his 
name.  At  Kyoto  the  prince,  Rinnoji  No  Miya, 
was  living  quietly.  He  had  already,  in  1868, 
been  set  up  as  a pretender  to  the  Throne,  by  the 
rebels  at  Uyeno,  in  Tokyo. 

For  several  months  plots  were  hatching.  Dis- 
affected men  of  many  clans  gathered  together, 
expecting  to  march  through  Kiushiu,  seize  the 
castle  at  Kumamoto,  and  then  go  to  Kyoto  and 
proclaim  the  Miya.  They  made  a cat’s  paw  of 
the  peasantry  in  Bungo,  by  promising  them  to 
remit  the  land  tax.  These  ignorant  people,  led 
on  by  the  reckless  two  sworded  men,  rose  on 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


183 


January  8,  1871,  against  the  magistrates,  and  set 
the  Government  buildings  on  fire.  When,  how- 
ever, the  Imperial  troops,  sent  by  steamer  from 
Nagasaki,  quickly  reached  the  scene  of  disorder, 
the  armed  rebels  scattered  and  fled,  leaving  the 
poor  country  folk  to  their  fate.  Ignorance,  first 
led  and  then  deserted  by  craft,  was  left  in 
sorrow. 

Other  troubles  in  the  province  of  Shinsliiu 
were  quickly  settled  in  like  manner.  The  loyal 
troops,  armed  and  disciplined  in  modern  form, 
with  the  resources  of  steam  and  electricity, 
moved  with  what  seemed  miraculous  speed. 
Valor  on  wings  availed  against  valor  leaden 
footed.  Intelligent  patriotism  overcame  ignor- 
ant fanaticism. 

In  other  directions  Mutsuhito  was  making 
progress.  Private  law  in  the  Empire  was  codi- 
fied. On  January  13,  1871,  two  Englislimen  in 
Tokyo  were  attacked  by  three  two  sworded  men 
and  wounded  very  severely.  With  Verbeck,  I 
had  the  pleasure  of  helping  to  nurse  them  back  to 
health.  With  the  utmost  promptness,  the  three 
assailants  were  caught  and  their  confessions  ex- 
torted from  them  before  their  punishment  was 
decreed.  What  surprised  and  pleased  the  Brit- 
ish Minister  was  the  production  of  a new  criminal 
code,  two  out  of  five  volumes  being  then  ready. 
According  to  its  provisions  two  of  the  guilty 
ruffians  were  strangled  and  one  sentenced  to  ten 


184 


THE  MIKADO 


years  of  hard  labor,  all  three  being  degraded 
from  the  rank  of  Samurai.  Publie  proelama- 
tions  were  also  made  that  sueh  an  aet  of  assault 
“not  only  involves  the  credit  of  the  Government 
but  is  a disgrace  to  the  community.” 

In  this  affair  the  Mikado’s  sincerity  and  desire 
to  keej)  his  word  of  honor  with  his  alien  guests 
were  strikingly  demonstrated.  One  of  the  assail- 
ants was  a Satsmna  man,  from  whose  clan  great 
pressure  was  brought  to  bear  upon  the  Govern- 
ment to  save  him  from  dishonor  and  punishment. 
The  innovation  of  putting  gentlemanly  scoun- 
drels and  murderers  to  death  on  the  common  exe- 
cution ground,  where  vulgar  felons  were  beheaded, 
soon  made  assassination  unpopular.  It  was  seen 
that  the  Government  was  determined  to  go  still 
further,  even  as  late  as  1901.  Instead  of  this 
conceited  assassin’s  being  allowed  even  the  priv- 
ilege of  a form  of  death  which  the  vulgar  would 
deem  martyrdom,  the  anarchist,  in  this  case  a 
true  product  of  decadent  Chinese  philosophy, 
was  condemned  to  hard  labor  for  life  among 
common  jail  birds.  Such  drastic  medicine  was 
effective. 

In  May  another  great  conspiracy,  headed  by 
two  young  nobles,  was  discovered.  Part  of  the 
plot  was  to  bum  Tokyo,  carry  hack  the  Emperor 
to  Kyoto,  and  change  the  whole  system  of  gov- 
ernment. Amid  such  plots  Mutsuhito  grew  in 
fearlessness  and  intellectual  stature. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


185 


Japan  had  as  yet  no  national  standard  coinage 
and  currency.  Coins  were  flat,  round,  oval,  per- 
forated and  nondescript.  Over  eleven  hundred 
varieties  of  the  local  paper  issues  of  the  Dainiios 
were  known,  and  the  flnancial  sorrows  of  Japan 
were  great.  The  Emperor  sent  Ito,  later  Pre- 
mier and  Prince,  and  perhaps  the  best  known 
Japanese  statesman  of  the  nineteenth  century,* 
to  the  United  States,  to  study  the  mechanism  of 
money.  While  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  Ito  read 
“The  Federalist,”  “flnding  it,”  as  he  said,  “as 
interesting  as  a novel.”  He  was  confirmed  in 
his  ideas  of  centralization  in  government,  and  in 
time  graduated  from  Hamiltonism  to  become  a 
Bismarckian.  The  result  of  his  report  was  the 
adoption  of  the  decimal  system  of  round  and 
milled  coinage,  and  of  national  banks  modelled 
on  those  of  the  United  States  of  America.  On 
April  4,  1871,  the  new  national  mint  at  Osaka, 
built  under  British  superintendence,  a superb 
enterprise  and  a splendidly  equipped  institution, 
was  opened  with  great  solemnity.  The  new  coin- 
age, of  gold,  silver  and  copper,  speedily  became 
popular. 

The  issue  of  this  honest  money,  as  well  as  of 
the  new  postage  stamps,  which  came  later, 
brought  up  an  interesting  problem.  What  sym- 
bolism and  devices  should  be  used?  The  answer 

* See  “The  Statesmanship  of  Ito”  in  the  North  American  Re- 
view, January,  1909. 


186 


THE  MIKADO 


touched  even  theology  and  revealed  Asiatic  no- 
tions. In  Europe  coins,  being  epitomes  of  chron- 
ology, sentiment  and  portraiture,  form  a large 
port  of  the  assets  of  true  history.  In  Chinese 
Asia,  where  the  idea  of  personality  has  always 
been  very  low,  individuality  next  to  nothing 
and  history  little  more  than  bare  annals,  the  ofR- 
eial  stamp  is  often  more  than  the  coin  itself.  The 
money  of  old  J apan,  whether  metal  or  paper,  was 
decorated  with  symbols,  figures  and  characters, 
but  never  with  portraits  of  a living  ruler.  Not 
even  yet  does  the  face  of  the  Mikado  appear  on 
the  national  stamps  or  coins,  although  photo- 
graphs of  the  Imperial  family  are  in  circulation. 

Mutsuhito  guided  the  ship  of  state  between 
the  radicals,  who  would  plunge  headlong  into 
modern  civilization  and  adopt  everything  for- 
eign at  once,  and  the  conservatives,  who  would 
make  changes  only  under  compulsion  and  with 
dangerous  slowness.  The  fever  of  exodus  rose 
to  a climax.  Hundreds  of  young  Japanese, 
many  of  them  of  high  rank,  and  almost  all  of  the 
gentry  class,  went  abroad  to  travel  or  study.  On 
coming  back,  after  rushing  over  eontinents,  or 
while  puffed  up  with  undigested  knowledge, 
gained  in  ridicuously  short  courses  of  study, 
they  were  eager  to  make  Japan  a new  France, 
a new  Germany,  a minature  copy  of  the  British 
Empire,  or  a model,  on  a small  scale,  of  the 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


187 


United  States,  according  as  they  had  lived  in  one 
or  the  other  of  these  countries. 

In  the  qualities  of  self  esteem  and  profound 
conceit  the  natives  of  Nippon,  despite  their  polite 
self  depreciation,  have  never  been  lacking.  Their 
isolation  bred  a particularly  strong  type  of  the 
element  of  pride.  N ovices  in  travel  often  secured 
office  on  the  strength  of  having  been  abroad. 
Some  of  the  hardest  problems  of  the  Govern- 
ment arose  in  dealing  with  these  half  educated 
men.  The  older  men  of  experience  were  more 
and  more  trusted,  so  that  most  of  the  real  ques- 
tions of  government  in  the  Meiji  era  have  been 
settled  by  a very  few  men,  “the  Elders,”  or  the 
“Elder  Statesmen,”  whose  power  of  influence  is 
unspent  even  in  1915. 


CHAPTER  XIX 


FEUDALISM  SWEPT  AWAY 

The  men  who  made  the  new  Government  felt 
that  in  the  institution  and  the  person  of  the  Mi- 
kado they  had  power  by  which,  rightly  utilized, 
they  could  reconstruct  the  nation  on  foundations 
older  even  than  feudalism,  despite  its  seven  cen- 
turies of  existence. 

While  Tokyo  was  filling  up  with  the  ex-Dai- 
mios  and  their  retainers,  a newspaper  was  started 
with  the  idea  of  ripening  public  sentiment  for 
the  next  great  stroke  of  policy,  which  was  to  kill 
the  feudal  system  and  bury  it  beyond  hope  of 
resurrection.  The  first  number  of  this  News 
Budget  appeared  in  June,  1871.  Among  many 
other  things,  it  contained  a memorial  from  the 
governor  (ex-Daimio)  of  Higo,  who  after  a long 
discussion,  petitioned  that  he  and  his  whole  clan 
might  return  to  the  agricultural  condition. 

A Samurai  might  choose  farming,  but  not 
trade.  The  Zeze  clansmen  led  off  in  noble  ex- 
ample. They  said,  we  agree  “to  resign  our  he- 
reditary pay,  to  enter  the  agricultural  class,  to 
exert  our  energies  in  the  cultivation  of  th«. 
ground,”  and  thus  “be  of  some,  however  insig- 
nificant, use  to  the  State.” 


188 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


189 


Feudalism  was  now  attacked  in  a war  of  pam- 
phlets. Centralization  of  all  the  resources  of 
Japan,  in  order  to  secure  national  independence, 
was  the  main  idea  in  view.  An  Imperial  army, 
and  uniformity  in  land  tax,  land  tenure,  cur- 
rency, education  and  penal  laws,  were  the  great- 
est needs. 

The  people  soon  got  into  the  custom  of  calling 
the  movements  of  the  Mikado’s  hand  “earth- 
quakes.” The  first  great  shaking  up  took  place 
on  August  II,  1871,  when  all  the  members  of  the 
“Cabinet”  were  dismissed  except  San  jo.  The 
purpose  was  to  improve  the  quality  of  the  high 
officers  of  state;  for  when,  a few  days  later,  the 
Government  was  reformed,  the  ablest  of  its 
former  members  were  again  in  office.  “It  was  a 
change  of  mats,  not  of  the  floor.”  Iwakura,  rep- 
resenting the  old  nobility,  became  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs.  The  four  Councillors  of  State, 
Saigo,  Kido,  Itagaki,  and  Okuma,  were  from 
the  four  great  clans.  Okubo  of  Satsuma  was 
made  Minister  of  Finance,  and  Goto  Shojiro 
Minister  of  Public  Works.  Looked  at  from  an- 
other point  of  view,  this  “earthquake”  weakened 
aristocracy  and  lifted  no  fewer  than  six  men,  for- 
merly simple  Samurai,  nearer  the  Emperor  and 
into  the  highest  offices.  Soon  the  system  of  Im- 
perial governors,  sent  to  or  moved  from  any  of 
the  provinces,  as  in  the  pre-feudal  era,  became 
the  regular  rule  of  procedure.  In  spite  even  of 


190 


THE  MIKADO 


Satsuma,  this  plan  of  transferring  the  emphasis 
of  personal  loyalty  from  the  local  barons  to  the 
nation’s  chief  was  carried  out. 

The  crowning  edict  of  the  Mikado  that  fell  like 
a stunning  thunder  clap,  heard  all  over  the  coun- 
try, was  the  abolition  of  feudalism  in  form.  The 
old  clans  and  provinces,  at  first  called  han,  were 
made  ken,  or  prefectimes,  that  is,  subdivisions 
of  the  Imperial  Government.  Mutsuhito  declared 
that  he  was  thus  getting  rid  of  the  vice  of  the 
unreality  of  names,  and  striking  at  the  cause  of 
political  diseases,  which  proceed  from  multifar- 
ious centers  of  authority. 

Such  a decree,  sweeping  away  the  last  land- 
marks of  a fabric  more  than  seven  himdred  years 
old,  seemed  to  the  world  at  large  tremendously 
bold,  and  indeed  it  was.  Very  few  aliens  could 
then  understand  the  power  of  the  Mikado’s  name 
and  word,  or  the  depth  of  the  nation’s  loyalty  to 
the  Throne.  In  most  places  the  Emperor’s 
order  was  received  as  a matter  of  course.  Yet  it 
was  an  awful  risk  thus  to  let  loose  the  four  hun- 
dred thousand  swords  of  men  many  of  whom 
were  able  with  brain  and  pen  also.  How  were 
they  to  be  occupied?  I had  full  opportunity  of 
seeing  the  immediate  effect  of  this  edict,  when 
living  at  Fukui,  in  the  castle,  under  the  feudal 
system.  Three  scenes  impressed  me  powerfully. 

The  first  was  that  at  the  local  Government 
Office,  on  the  morning  of  the  receipt  of  the  Mi- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


191 


kado’s  edict,  July  18,  1871.  Consternation,  sup- 
pressed wrath,  fears  and  forebodings  mingled 
with  emotions  of  loyalty.  In  Fukui  I heard  men 
talk  of  killing  Yuri,  the  Imperial  representative 
in  the  city  and  the  penman  of  the  Charter  Oath 
of  1868. 

The  second  scene  was  that  in  the  great  castle 
hall,  October  1,  1871,  when  the  lord  of  Echizen, 
assembling  his  many  hundreds  of  hereditary  re- 
tainers, bade  them  exchange  loyalty  for  patriot- 
ism and  in  a noble  address  urged  the  transference 
of  local  to  national  interest. 

The  third  scene  was  on  the  morning  following, 
when  the  whole  population,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  of 
the  city  of  40,000  people,  gathered  in  the  streets 
to  take  their  last  look,  as  the  lord  of  Echizen  left 
his  ancestral  castle  halls,  and  departed  from 
Fukui  to  travel  to  Tokyo,  there  to  live  as  a pri- 
vate gentleman,  without  any  political  power. 
Only  a few  far  seeing  men  could  understand  the 
significance  of  these  movements. 

On  the  financial  side  the  ex-Daimios  were  bet- 
ter off  than  before,  for  having  now  money  enough 
(one-tenth  of  their  former  income)  they  could 
maintain  themselves  and  their  families  easily. 
Hereafter  they  were  free  to  go  abroad  and  see 
the  world,  or  to  travel  wherever  they  would  in 
Japan.  These  were  new  and  great  privileges. 
As  for  employment  in  Government  service,  how- 
ever, only  men  of  ability,  without  regard  to  their 


192 


THE  MIKADO 


rank,  would  be  sought.  N o officer  need  expect  to 
be  appointed  to  the  province  in  which  he  had  pre- 
viously held  office,  for  the  power  and  authority 
of  each  department  of  the  Government  was  to 
extend  throughout  the  whole  Empire.  It  was 
Mutsuhito’s  desire  and  purpose  to  fuse  local  pre- 
judices and  attachments  in  the  common  fire  of 
national  patriotism. 

The  Emperor’s  advisers  had  expected  to  use 
force,  and  in  some  instances  to  shed  blood,  as  I 
once  heard  his  high  officers  say,  but  they  were 
greatly  disappointed.  But  what  was  now  to  be 
done  with  the  tens  of  thousands  of  the  ex- 
Daimios’  retainers?  Only  a few  of  the  old  wear- 
ers of  sword  and  silk  had  returned  to  agriculture. 
Most  of  them  waited  for  what  might  turn  up. 

To  pay  the  pensions,  hitherto  enjoyed  for  cen- 
turies, required  an  annual  outlay  of  about 
$40,000,000.  The  News  Budget  contained  var- 
ious plans  for  commuting  the  Samurai’s  pen- 
sions. One  of  the  ablest  of  these  was  written  by 
a councillor  of  Echizen,  whom  I knew  well.  His 
plan  was  to  reunite  the  military  and  agricultural 
classes.  All  the  Samurai,  whether  holding  office 
or  not,  were  to  be  divided,  and  then  enrolled  on 
the  registers  of  the  different  villages,  they  being 
allowed  to  buy  or  sell  their  revenues.  No  one 
thought,  even  at  that  late  date,  of  a merchant,  or 
trader,  or  any  skilled  money  maker,  as  a com- 
panion for  gentlemen,  though  a farmer  was.  In 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


193 


the  four  great  classes,  nobles,  gentry,  farmers 
and  commoners  of  all  sorts,  tillers  of  the  soil 
ranked  next  to  the  Samurai. 

The  Government’s  scheme  was  matured  and 
published  in  1873.  Samurai,  voluntarily  sur- 
rendering hereditary  incomes,  were  given  a sum 
equivalent  to  six  years  salaries,  and  to  those  hav- 
ing life  income  a lump  sum  equal  to  four  years 
pay.  By  this  means  a large  class  of  non-produc- 
ers would  at  once  become  productive,  the  finances 
of  the  State  be  relieved,  and  the  national  wealth 
be  greatly  increased.  The  gentlemen  with  salar- 
ies thus  commuted  would  have  some  ready  capital 
for  business  purposes.  Pitiful  as  seemed  the 
amount,  it  was  all  that  the  Government  could 
afford  to  give,  and  money  had  to  be  borrowed  for 
the  purpose. 

Here  was  an  invitation,  on  a large  scale,  to  an 
army  numbering,  with  its  families,  2,000,000,  to 
beat  swords  into  ploughshares  and  spears  into 
pruning  hooks.  To  hasten  the  process  the  Mi- 
kado issued  an  order  permitting  the  gentry  to 
discontinue  wearing  swords.  Up  to  this  time  a 
Japanese  gentleman  would  no  more  have  ap- 
peared in  public  without  blade  and  scabbard,  the 
badge  of  his  rank,  than  his  social  equal  in  Europe 
or  America  would  promenade  the  streets  in  his 
shirt  sleeves.  Yet  from  this  time  forth  tens  of 
thousands  of  Samurai  not  only  left  off  their 
blades  but  doffed  also  their  flowing  robes,  though 


194. 


THE  MIKADO 


in  donning  new  and  tight  costumes  they  changed 
from  picturesque  oddity  to  clumsy  and  unlovely 
commonplace. 

Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  what  artists  and  lovers 
of  the  unique  and  strange  in  the  Japanese  may 
say,  the  natives  themselves  understand  human 
nature  and  hold  the  true  philosophy  of  clothes. 
Their  great  ambition  is  to  be  treated  as  men,  as 
gentlemen,  and  as  the  equals  of  Occidentals. 
In  their  antiquated  garb  they  knew  that  they  or 
their  country  would  never  be  taken  seriously. 

Very  soon  we  saw  a change  of  dress,  not  only 
among  soldiers  and  Samurai  but  among  all  the 
government  officers  and  even  in  the  Mikado  him- 
self. The  courtiers  had  been  persuaded  to  cos- 
tume themselves  no  longer  as  idols  or  demi-gods 
but  as  modern  gentlemen  and  ladies.  It  is  cer- 
tain that  the  laying  aside  of  the  Samurai’s  garb 
hastened  the  decay  of  the  old  barbarous  customs 
which  belong  to  feudalism.  In  fact,  this  revolu- 
tion in  clothes  helped  powerfully  in  the  recogni- 
tion by  the  whole  world  of  Japan  as  an  equal  in 
the  brotherhood  of  nations. 

One  potent  influence  in  assisting  the  former 
Samurai  to  honorable  livelihood  soon  became 
manifest.  The  foreign  experts  (yatoi),  who 
began  to  arrive  in  increasing  numbers,  set  an 
example  of  industry,  especially  in  mechanical 
pursuits,  engineering  and  industrial  exploitation, 
and  even  in  the  use  of  their  hands,  as  well  as  in 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


195 


teaching  and  clerical  labors,  that  was  nobly  con- 
tagious. These  guests  of  the  nation  took  off  their 
gloves  and  coats.  Soon  there  developed  among 
thousands  of  natives,  who  formerly  despised 
manual  labor  and  commercial  activity,  a spirit  of 
emulation  and  rivalry  highly  creditable  and  bod- 
ing vast  good  for  the  nation.  The  work  of  the 
yatoi  or  foreign  assistants  in  helping  Japan  to 
solve  the  problems  suddenly  thrust  upon  her  has 
been  a noble  one  and  deserves  the  notice  of  the 
historian. 

Notable  among  these  yatoi,  or  salaried  strang- 
ers, was  the  American  commission  of  scientific 
men  engaged  for  the  development  of  the  re- 
sources of  Yezo.  These  gentlemen.  General 
Horace  Capron,  Dr.  Thomas  Antisell,  Major 
Warfield  and  Dr.  Stewart  Eldredge,  were  re- 
ceived in  audience  by  the  Emperor  at  the  Cas- 
cade View  Pavilion,  at  10  a.  m.  on  September 
16,  1871.  Afterward  Professor  Benjamin  Ly- 
man and  others  were  added  to  this  commission 
and  did  noble  work.  Japan’s  monarch  was  very 
gracious  and  the  Imperial  welcome  and  Ameri- 
can response  were  alike  appropriate. 

It  was  only  those  who  could  read  Japanese, 
however,  who  knew  that  in  the  report  printed  in 
the  Gazette  of  the  Great  Government  Council 
the  General  was  made  by  the  Japanese  interpre- 
ter to  call  himself  “an  insignificant  servant”  (bi- 
shin),  no  fewer  than  five  times  in  his  brief  speech. 


196 


THE  MIKADO 


It  was  more  than  once  my  privilege,  and  some- 
times unpleasant  duty,  when  inquired  of  by 
fellow  Americans  just  arrived,  of  amply  suffi- 
cient self-esteem  and  personal  importance,  to 
show  their  names  in  the  printed  lists  of  yatoi — 
the  same  word  that  was  ordinarily  applied  to  any 
hired  person,  including  a day  laborer  waiting 
for  a job.  Nevertheless  history  has  shown  that 
the  greatest  man  is  the  greatest  servant,  and  the 
most  faithful  of  the  yatoi  have  done  most  to 
make  the  new  nation.  The  Japanese  gave  to 
none  of  their  yatoi  power  or  office.  They  used 
their  guests  and  pensionaries  simply  as  servants, 
holding  rigidly  all  authority  in  their  own  hands. 
“Nothing  is  too  small  for  a great  man,”  however, 
and  men  willing  to  serve,  like  Verbeck  and  others, 
gained  lasting  mastery  of  influence,  unceasing 
even  after  death.  The  most  self-effacing  ser- 
vants won  the  most  signal  success.  When  the 
American,  Henry  Willard  Denison,  who  begin- 
ning on  May  1,  1880,  after  serving  as  adviser  in 
the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs  until  June, 
1914,  lay,  like  Nicanor  “dead  in  his  harness,”  the 
entire  nation  mourned  his  loss. 


CHAPTER  XX 


MUTSUHITO  THE  EMANCIPATOR 

The  American  national  bank  system  having 
been  adopted  in  J apan,  the  next  step  in  financial 
reform  was  to  buy  up  the  feudal  paper  currency 
and  replace  it  with  national  money.  The  new 
currency  was  at  first  in  the  form  of  the  thick 
pasteboard  “gold  notes”  (kinsatsu),  the  paper 
of  which  was  manufactured  in  Echizen.  In  Fu- 
kui  my  salary  every  month  ($250),  was  paid  me 
in  a pile  of  cards,  six  or  eight  inches  high.  In 
bundles  of  ten,  they  were  tied  through  an  eyelet 
in  each,  with  twisted  paper  cord. 

Up  to  this  time  paper  money,  invented  in 
China,  the  emission  of  which  in  Japan  began  in 
the  seventeenth  century,  was  of  very  many  ages, 
shapes,  sizes,  thicknesses  of  paper,  degrees  of 
artistic  decoration  and  state  of  cleanliness  and 
legibility.  These  “shin  plasters”  were  usually 
beyond  the  boundary  of  the  han  in  which  they 
were  issued,  as  worthless  as  euchre  cards.  At 
home,  in  the  interior  city,  I used  these  “shin 
plasters”  daily.  In  a single  journey  from  Tokyo 
to  Fukui  I was  obliged  to  handle  seven  or  eight 
different  sorts  of  the  filthy  or  fuzzy  stuff. 

197 


198 


THE  MIKADO 


Piled  up  in  small  mountains,  tons  upon  tons 
of  this  currency,  brought  to  Tokyo,  were  burned. 
There  were  as  many  as  1,694  forms  of  these 
promissory  notes,  based  on  gold,  silver,  iron  and 
brass  cash,  rice,  umbrellas,  tools,  cloths,  and  as 
many  articles  as  a rummage  sale  or  pawnbroker’s 
shop  might  show.  In  1873,  in  the  Imperial  Treas- 
ury Department,  I saw  stacks  of  the  old  wooden 
and  copper  plates,  used  by  the  local  engravers 
and  printers  of  this  fiat  money. 

Then  in  succession,  after  “clean  Mexicans” 
(dollars)  had  been  for  a short  time  in  use,  for 
foreigners  in  Japanese  service,  there  followed 
the  new  gold  coinage  and  the  fractional  currency 
engraved  in  Germany;  or  national  bank  notes, 
after  the  American  pattern;  and,  finally,  the 
smaller  notes  of  recent  years.  The  beautiful  new 
“greenbacks,”  engraved  in  America,  were  educa- 
tive. They  bore  vignettes  drawn  from  scenes  in 
the  national  history  of  Japan,  especially  those 
which  illustrated  Mikadoism. 

Gradually  the  mystery  play  of  medieval  and 
musty  Mikadoism  gave  way  to  modern  reality. 
The  new  god  now  descended  to  the  earth  and 
came  out  of  his  box  shrine  into  the  air.  When 
Mutsuhito  visited  the  Strand  Palace  he  rode  not 
in  a screened  bullock  cart  but  in  an  open  carriage 
drawn  by  four  horses.  During  his  first  drive  in 
public  he  was  accompanied  by  a few  officers  on 
horseback  and  about  forty  cavalrymen.  He 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


199 


wished  to  cause  little  or  no  inconvenience  to  the 
people,  except  that  the  roads  were  to  be  swept 
and  lanterns  hung  at  evening  from  the  eaves  of 
the  lower  story  of  each  house,  as  was  usual  after 
nightfall.  On  his  way  Mutsuhito  visited  San  jo 
and  Iwakura,  getting  down  out  of  his  carriage 
and  entering  their  houses. 

On  His  Majesty’s  way  back  the  people  stood 
as  usual,  gazing  at  their  sovereign,  just  as  civi- 
lized people  do  in  other  parts  of  the  world.  This 
became  the  rule,  the  Emperor  and  Empress 
going  about  freely  like  other  rulers,  and,  after 
their  silver  wedding,  riding  side  by  side  in  the 
same  carriage.  What  had  once  been  a myster- 
ious idol  seemed  now  to  have  a human  soul. 

The  spirit  of  democracy  made  progress.  In 
October,  1871,  the  nobles  were  permitted,  by 
Imperial  decree,  to  intermarry  with  ordinary  peo- 
ple. The  rigorously  exclusive  dress,  in  fashion 
during  two  centuries,  of  loose  trousers  and  silk 
coats,  or  haori,  hitherto  the  privilege  of  the  gen- 
try alone,  was  now  allowed  to  all  classes. 

The  Mikado  took  the  nobles  into  his  family 
council  by  issuing  an  encyclical  letter,  giving 
them  good  advice.  They  should  be  leaders  in 
animating  the  people.  Their  responsibilities 
were  indeed  grave.  They  should  “make  a tour 
abroad,  to  widen  their  circle  of  knowledge  by 
seeing  and  hearing,  and  thus  to  improve  their 
understanding,”  and  their  wives  and  female  rela- 


200 


THE  MIKADO 


tives  should  go  with  them.  The  secret  of  the 
power  of  other  countries  lies  in  the  fact  that  “each 
individual  does  his  best  as  a member  of  the 
nation.” 

His  Majesty  said  furthermore,  “We  have 
lately  changed  our  ancient  system  and  desire  to 
run  equally  in  the  race  with  other  countries.  . . . 
In  consequence,  too  of  the  want  of  a system  of 
female  education  in  our  country,  many  women 
are  deficient  in  intelligence.  Besides,  the  educa- 
tion of  children  is  a thing  which  is  connected  in- 
timately with  the  instruction  of  their  mothers, 
and  is  really  a matter  of  the  most  absolute  impor- 
tance.” The  Imperial  permission  to  women  to 
go  abroad  was  given,  so  that  they  might  “learn 
that  the  instruction  of  females  in  foreign  coun- 
tries has  a good  foundation,  and  become  ac- 
quainted with  the  right  system  of  educating 
children.” 

Nevertheless  and  possibly  because  burdened 
with  so  many  other  cares  and  facing  still  vast 
problems,  the  Japanese  Government,  even  at 
this  date,  has  shown  little  interest  in  the  higher 
education  of  women,  leaving  this,  for  the  most 
part,  to  the  missionaries.  Miss  Ume  Tsuda’s 
school  and  the  “Women’s  University”  in  Tokyo 
are  the  direct  outgrowth  of  the  heart  and  brain  of 
Christians,  Dr.  Jinzo  Naruse  and  Dr.  Tasuke 
Harada  of  Kyoto  and  the  leading  educators  of 
women  being  such. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


201 


Mutsuhito  deserves  to  stand  in  the  line  of 
great  emancipators,  like  Lincoln  and  Nicholas, 
for  he  lifted  up  two  classes  of  his  people  who,  as 
a separate  race,  or  “non-human,”  were  deemed 
outcast  from  Japanese  humanity. 

The  Eta  (pariahs)  came  into  existence  after 
the  introduction  of  Buddhism  in  the  sixth  cen- 
tury, when  the  killing  of  animals  for  food  was 
religiously  banned.  The  class  of  Hi-nin  (not 
human),  originated  after  the  beginning  of  the 
Tokugawa  dynasty.  The  industrious  Eta  were 
workers  in  the  skins  of  dead  carcasses  of  ani- 
mals, and  handlers  of  the  corpses  of  criminals. 

The  majority  of  Hi-nin  were  beggars.  It  was 
into  this  latter  class  that  social  outlaws,  who 
would  not  conform  to  the  cult  of  the  clan  or  fam- 
ily, were  driven.  Economically,  such  social  exiles 
saved  the  expense  of  prisons  and  police.  It  was 
a cheap  way  of  damnation,  without  priest,  book, 
bell  or  candle,  and  saved  the  public  expense  of 
prisons.  Such  creatures  lived  in  a hell  on  earth. 
From  1721  to  1846  the  population  of  Japan  re- 
mained stationary  at  about  26,000,000,  but  to 
this  number,  not  reckoned  in  the  census,  must  be 
added  at  least  1,000,000  outcasts,  mostly  belong- 
ing to  the  doomed  or  submerged  and  uncounted 
people  called  the  Eta  and  Hi-nin. 

No  Japanese  would  share  fire,  food  or  habita- 
tion with  the  Eta,  and  it  was  rare  for  the  Hi-nin 
to  rise  into  ordinary  life.  The  lowest  native  sub- 


202 


THE  MIKADO 


ject  considered  a house  as  forever  defiled,  even 
when  a wounded  member  of  the  Eta  class  was 
brought  indoors  to  be  treated  by  an  English  sur- 
geon, as  Mitford  has  told  us.  I could  hardly  get 
one  of  my  students  to  walk  with  me  through  the 
Eta  quarter  of  Fukui,  which  seemed  to  be 
shunned  even  by  the  dogs.  Nevertheless  it  must 
be  acknowledged  that  the  latter,  being  then  un- 
owned and  coveted  for  their  hides,  had  good 
reason  to  fear  for  their  own  skins.  Yokoi  Hei- 
shiro,  the  Christian,  was  probably  the  first  native 
statesman  to  plead  that  these  people  be  elevated 
to  citizenship.  He  was  assassinated  in  Kyoto, 
by  the  ronin,  for  “holding  evil  opinions,”  within 
five  hours  after  making  the  twin  propositions  of 
freedom,  for  the  conscience  and  for  the  outcast, 
both  then  in  a state  worse  than  slavery.  He  died 
not  in  vain.  In  October,  1871,  the  following 
proelamation  was  issued  by  the  Council  of  State 
to  the  local  authorities  and  published  all  over 
Japan: 

“The  designations  Eta  and  Hi-nin  are  abol- 
ished. Those  who  bore  them  are  to  be  added  to 
the  general  registers  of  the  population,  and  their 
social  position  and  methods  of  gaining  a liveli- 
hood are  to  be  identical  with  the  rest  of  the  peo- 
ple. As  they  have  been  entitled  to  immunity 
from  land  tax  and  other  burdens  by  immemorial 
custom,  5"ou  will  inquire  how  this  may  be  re- 
formed and  report  to  the  Board  of  Finance.” 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


203 


Yedo,  a city  of  wooden  caravansaries,  to  which 
had  come  daily  during  the  feudal  period  spec- 
tacular caravans  from  the  castle  towns  in  all  parts 
of  the  Empire,  changed  its  face  with  its  change 
of  name.  The  old  hollow  squares  of  the  yashkis 
were  turned  into  barracks,  parade  grounds, 
vegetable  gardens  or  mulberrj^  plantations,  and 
their  buildings  utilized  for  public  offices.  The 
jin-riki-sha,  invented  by  the  American  Jonathan 
Goble,  an  ex-United  States  marine  and  Baptist 
missionary,  rolled  on  every  street.  Thousands  of 
the  people  dressed  in  European  costumes,  or 
what  they  imagined  to  be  such.  To  a well 
groomed  foreigner  most  natives  at  first  looked 
as  if  they  had  gone  to  a rummage  sale  and  there 
equipped  themselves.  The  rage  for  hats  emp- 
tied the  slop  shops  of  the  seaports,  while  those  in 
Tokyo  were  full  of  goods  “from  the  ships.” 
These,  to  the  Japanese — the  sense  of  smell  being 
largely  a matter  of  education  and  association — 
had  the  same  outlandish  odor  which  things  Orien- 
tal have  to  us.  In  hundreds  of  other  “stores”  the 
discarded  spears,  swords,  furniture  and  Japanese 
bric-a-brac  were  to  be  bought  at  shockingly  low 
prices.  Often,  indeed,  they  became  literally  “for 
burning  and  fuel  of  fire,”  and  even  for  the  heat- 
ing of  the  bath  water,  or  the  cooking  of  the  daily 
meal.  Especially  was  this  true  of  the  cast  out 
idols.  Most  of  the  old  Samurai  swords  are  now 
kitchen  knives  or  farm  tools.  The  best  of  the  gold 


204 


THE  MIKADO 


inlaid  ornaments  are  in  our  museums,  while  to 
the  art  treasures  of  the  world  a distinct  addi- 
tion has  been  made  in  the  tsuha,  or  sword  guards. 
In  a collection  of  these  keyholes  of  history  one 
discerns,  through  their  decoration,  a world  of 
Japanese  wit,  fancy,  poetry  and  tradition 
wrought  in  metal. 

While  taking  rapidly  to  things  material  from 
the  West,  the  Japanese  were  slow  to  modify 
radically  their  old  culture,  or  to  receive  religion 
from  the  same  direction.  They  will  probably  be 
always  hesitant  to  embrace  Christianity  in  its 
purely  European,  or  metaphysical  forms.  In 
1871  Nakamura,  the  translator  of  “Self-Help” 
and  of  Mill  “On  Liberty,”  and  the  virtual  foun- 
der of  the  Liberal  and  Progressive  parties  in 
Japan,  openly  advocated  the  introduction  of 
Christianity.  He  denounced  branding  the  reli- 
gion of  Jesus  as  wicked.  He  publicly  challenged 
the  Mikado’s  infallibility:  “How  does  His 

Majesty  know  it  [Christianity]  to  be  evil?  It 
is  impossible  to  know  the  nature  of  anything  till 
it  has  been  tried.  Formerly  all  foreigners  were 
called  barbarians,  but  now  that  the  Japanese  have 
come  to  know  foreigners,  they  call  them  barbar- 
ians no  more.”  The  strength  and  wealth  of  West- 
tern  countries,  he  argued,  were  due  to  the  num- 
ber of  good  men  who  were  animated  by  the  spirit 
of  the  faith  they  held,  which  was  the  fountain 
whence  sprang  their  good  government.  “Now 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


205 


Japan  is  delighted  with  the  flowers  and  leaves, 
but  will  take  no  account  of  the  roots.”  Foreign- 
ers did  not  admire  the  Mikado’s  course  of  action 
and  the  countries  in  the  East  were  despised  by 
the  West,  because  the  Orientals  hate  the  religion 
of  the  Westerners.  The  author  even  went  so  far 
as  to  advise  the  Emperor  to  be  baptized,  become 
the  head  of  the  Christian  Church  in  Japan,  and 
lead  his  people  in  professing  Christianity.  Hap- 
pily for  pure  religion,  the  Mikado  has  not  yet 
done  anything  of  the  sort. 


CHAPTER  XXI 


JAPAN  SEEKS  HER  RIGHTS  OF  SOVEREIGNTY 

As  yet  Japan  was  without  the  rights  of  na- 
tional sovereignty,  and  the  men  of  the  new  gener- 
ation chafed  under  the  indignity.  They  had 
hated  the  Bakufu,  or  Yedo  Government,  for  sur- 
rendering this,  in  the  Townsend  Harris  treaty, 
and  allowing  the  consular  courts  of  aliens  on 
the  sacred  soil  of  Japan.  They  now  sought  to 
have  removed  what  in  1858  had  been  granted 
with  easy  and  frivolous  acquiescence,  or,  as  re- 
corded, “agreed  to  without  demur.”*  To  secure 
the  end  in  view  they  would  cross  oceans  and  plead 
before  the  President  of  the  United  States  and 
the  sovereigns  of  Europe. 

As  the  date  fixed  for  the  revision  of  the  trea- 
ties was  July  1,  1872,  the  Emperor  and  his  ad- 
visers felt  that  this  would  be  a good  opportunity 
to  explain  to  foreign  Governments  both  the  Res- 
toration and  the  revolution  which  had  taken  place. 
They  claimed  that,  on  account  of  these  facts,  the 
odious  extraterritoriality  clause  in  the  treaties 
should  be  abolished  and  the  Imperial  authority 

* See  “Townsend  Harris,  First  American  Envoy  in  Japan,” 
p.  134. 


306 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


207 


be  extended  over  all  persons  within  the  Mikado’s 
domain,  whether  natives  or  strangers. 

An  embassy  to  Europe  and  America  had  been 
proposed  as  early  as  June  II,  I860,  and  its  route 
mapped  out,  by  Dr.  Guido  F.  Verbeck,  American 
missionary  in  Japan.  This  Dutch- American, 
first  teacher  of  the  men  who  made  the  New 
Japan,  found  that  more  than  one-half  of  its  mem- 
bers, finally  selected  in  1871,  had  been  his  pupils. 
To  say,  as  some  shallow  J apanese  do,  that  neither 
education  nor  statesmanship  in  Japan  has  or  had 
been  influenced  by  the  missionaries  shows  both 
their  ignorance  and  their  absurd  conceit.  To  dis- 
cuss the  question  whether  the  foreign  teachers 
have  profoundly  affected  the  national  ideals 
would  without  rigid  definition  on  both  sides,  na- 
tive and  alien,  be  a worthless  proceeding. 

Some  of  the  hermit  statesmen  had  innocently 
supposed  that  as  soon  as  Japan  had  made  a code 
of  laws  based  on  the  ideas  prevalent  in  Christen- 
dom, foreign  Governments  woidd  be  at  once 
willing  to  revise  their  treaties  and  place  their 
citizens  and  subjects  under  Japanese  authority. 
Only  three  years  or  so,  it  was  thought  by  some 
ardent  patriots,  would  be  necessary  to  conform 
Japan  and  the  Japanese,  in  all  essential  respects, 
to  the  nations  of  the  West.  Many  confidently 
looked  forward  to  welcoming  Iwakura  hack  with 
the  draft  of  new  treaties  in  his  pocket  to  take 
the  place  of  the  old  ones. 


208 


THE  MIKADO 


Such  trees  of  hope  produced  only  Dead  Sea 
apples.  Our  American  Minister,  Mr.  Charles 
E.  De  Long,  told  me  in  1871  that  before  the 
commissioners  started  he  had  pointed  out  to  them 
that  they  were  not  clothed  with  full  powers  and 
that  their  plans  would  come  to  naught;  and  so  it 
proved. 

After  reaching  Washington,  the  American 
Government  would  do  nothing,  and  Okubo  was 
despatched  home  to  obtain  the  requisite  creden- 
tials. Months  were  thus  spent  and  lost,  or  im- 
proved, abroad.  Even  then,  however,  the  United 
States  would  not  act  without  the  other  States  in 
Christendom,  while  in  Europe  the  envoys  found 
they  were  still  looked  upon  as  little  less  than 
picturesque  barbarians,  because  of  the  persecut- 
ing policy  toward  the  native  Christians.  All 
requests  for  a revision  of  the  treaties  were  re- 
fused. The  whole  matter  was  referred  by  the 
various  Governments  to  their  diplomatic  agents 
in  Tokyo.  It  was  strongly  hinted  that  some- 
thing besides  law  codes  on  paper  was  necessary 
before  Nippon  could  be  received  as  an  equal  or 
treated  in  a different  way  from  Turkey  or  the 
barbarous  States.  The  ambassadors,  after  twen- 
ty-one months  abroad,  arrived  in  Japan,  Septem- 
ber 13,  1873,  in  no  happy  mood.  The  agitation 
for  treaty  revision  ended  only  in  1900.  That 
Kido  was  thoroughly  right  is  proved  by  the  mani- 
fold enrichment  and  vast  advance  made  by  the 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


209 


J apanese  during  the  long  probation  on  which  they 
were  kept  by  the  Treaty  Powers. 

The  embassy  accomplished  a great  deal  of 
good  through  the  study,  by  nearly  seventy  of  its 
intelligent  members,  of  the  people  and  institu- 
tions of  the  West.  While  in  New  York,  Iwakura 
and  Okubo,  in  an  official  letter,  heartily  thanked 
the  little  company  of  American  gentlemen 
and  ladies  who  had  advanced  funds  to  sup- 
port the  Japanese  students,  otherwise  finan- 
cially stranded,  in  New  Brunswick,  N.  J.,  during 
the  civil  war  of  1868-70.  They  inquired  partic- 
ularly after  the  two  Christian  women  who  took 
into  their  homes  the  first  two  lads,  when,  owing 
to  the  kitchen  and  servant  situation,  these  youths 
could  secure  board  and  lodging  nowhere  else. 
Through  Mr.  George  Haven  Putnam  the  envoys 
secured  a library  of  works  on  international  law, 
from  Grotius  and  Puffendorf  to  Wheaton,  and 
this  case  of  books,  well  used,  is  still  in  the  For- 
eign Office  in  Tokyo.  In  Washington  Kido  in- 
quired long  and  earnestly  concerning  the  origins 
and  working  details  of  political  administration  in 
the  United  States,  and  purchased  a library  of 
books  treating  of  the  philosophy  of  government. 
Afterward  he  urged  his  younger  friends  to  study 
these,  Montesquieu  being  the  favorite  author. 

The  general  effect  of  the  mission  was  to  turn 
the  face  of  the  nation  away  from  China  and  to- 
ward the  adoption  of  Western  ideas  and  institu- 


210 


THE  MIKADO 


tions.  A full  account  of  the  doings  and  reports 
of  the  embassy  was  published  by  the  Government 
in  a set  of  handsome  volumes.  The  $750,000 
spent  on  the  mission  abroad  was  a good  national 
investment.  In  form  and  spirit  this  embassy  was 
different  from  any  that  had  ever  gone  from 
Japan.  It  was  the  first  one  sent  out  by  the  Mi- 
kado and  representing  him.  Long  before  its 
return  we  in  Toyko  noticed  that  the  anti- 
Christian  ediets  had  disappeared.  These  were 
removed  on  the  plea,  to  protesting  inquirers,  that 
the  people  were  already  familiar  with  the  sub- 
stanee  of  the  prohibition. 

A lively  book  could  be  written  upon  the  comic 
side  of  the  great  embassy’s  history:  the  mistakes 
made  mutually,  the  density  of  Occidental  ignor- 
ance, even  among  statesmen,  regarding  Japan, 
and  the  many  odd  revelations  to  certain  members 
of  the  embassy,  as  they  saw  themselves  in  the 
mirrors  of  fresh  and  novel  experiences. 

In  Boston,  Dr.  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes  inno- 
cently perpetrated  a joke  upon  the  august 
envoys,  in  a poem  read  at  a public  dinner : 

“God  bless  the  Mikado, 

Long  live  the  Tycoon !” 

The  prayer  has  been  answered;  for  Mutsuhito 
lived  until  1912  and  the  ex-Tyeoon  until  1913. 
The  amusing  thing  was  to  eompare  these  names 
and  offices  together,  three  years  after  the  office 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON  211 

of  Tycoon  had  ceased  to  exist.  Imagine  in  Eng- 
land a gentleman  proposing,  in  one  toast,  the 
health  of  the  merry  monareh  King  Charles  II. 
and  honor  to  Oliver  Cromwell;  or  one  in  a com- 
pany of  Jacobites  linking  together  the  names  of 
Bonnie  Prinee  Charlie  and  the  Hanoverian  King 
George  II.! 

The  Japanese,  among  other  things  very  desir- 
able, were  in  search  of  a religion.  Though  anx- 
ious to  win  the  secrets  of  Occidental  civilization, 
most  of  these  wise  men  at  that  time  knew 
next  to  nothing  about  Christianity  except 
as  they  had  heard  about  it  as  a far  off  eeho,  in 
nursery  tales,  or  from  their  nurses  and  grand- 
mothers about  the  “Kiristans”  of  three  centuries 
ago  and  their  alleged  magic  and  sorcery.  In 
1873  Japanese  in  political  power  were  inclined 
to  blink  at  the  very  mention  of  the  religion  of 
their  best  friends,  such  as  Perry,  Harris,  Ver- 
beek.  Brown,  Hepburn,  and  Parkes.  The  study 
of  religion  was  assigned  to  two  young  members 
in  the  suite  of  the  ambassadors,  the  later  Minis- 
ter of  Education,  Tanaka  Fujimaro,  and  the 
later  Professor  Kume,  neither  of  whom  took 
their  duties  with  profound  seriousness. 

On  shipboard  this  committee  on  religion  was 
embarrassed  by  the  leading  question  of  a Roman 
Catholic  priest,  who  may  have  been  also  a Yan- 
kee. They  asked  him  what  his  religion  was.  He 
made  answer  chiefly  by  inquiring  what  was  theirs. 


212 


THE  MIKADO 


At  once  the  Japanese  proverb  was  fulfilled,  as  in 
a pieture  show.  “The  beaten  soldier  fears  even 
the  tops  of  the  tall  grass.”  Routed  and  driven  to 
bay,  the  subject  was  dismissed  with  the  assistance 
of  tobaceo  fumes,  for  those  most  interested  gath- 
ered in  the  smoking  room,  to  deeide  on  what  an- 
swer to  give.  “Were  the  Japanese  Buddhists?” 
“Away  with  such  a thought,  for  Samurai!”  “Did 
they  hold  to  Confueianism?”  That,  as  they  knew 
well,  was  no  more  a religion  to  the  average  Japa- 
nese than  is  the  unwritten  code  of  politeness  of 
any  gentleman  with  us.  “What  is  Shinto?” 
Who,  outside  of  Japan’s  little  arehipelago,  knew 
what  this  cult  was?  It  seemed  disgraeeful  to  go 
before  the  world  as  men  from  a country  which 
had  no  religion,  yet  they  had  to  faee  the  reality, 
for  these  Samurai  of  1873  did  not  represent  the 
Japanese  millions.  However,  they  got  through 
Ameriea  without  being  questioned! 

The  real  point  of  the  whole  ineident  lies  not 
at  all  in  religion,  and,  when  thoroughly  under- 
stood, has  no  real  interest  to  the  theologian  or 
propagandist.  The  basic  fact  is  that  the  two  or 
three  seore  members  of  the  embassy,  whether 
humble  interpreters  or  august  ambassadors,  were 
in  no  sense,  not  even  the  political,  the  real  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  of  Japan,  but  only  of  the 
Government  then  in  existence.  The  Japan  of 
the  books  is  almost  wholly  the  Japan  of  the  Sa- 
murai, with  something  about  art  and  incidents 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


213 


concerning  the  geisha  and  artists.  The  Japan 
of  the  people,  or  the  heart  of  Nippon,  or  social 
Japan,  is  not  yet  open  to  the  world. 

It  is  significant  that  in  later  life  Professor 
Kiime  was  the  first  native  scholar  bold  enough 
to  apply  the  higher  or  scientific  criticism  to  the 
Kojiki  and  show  the  utterly  baseless  fabric  of 
Mikadoism  as  a religious  cult.  Instantly  a storm 
of  hostile  denunciation  of  such  daring  impiety 
broke.  What  happened  about  the  same  time  to 
the  critical  scholars  in  America  who  had  intro- 
duced science  in  place  of  tradition  took  place  in 
Japan,  as  also  in  the  clerical  Christianity,  which 
is  often  so  different  from  that  of  the  Founder. 
The  accusations  on  both  sides  of  the  Pacific  had 
much  the  same  result.  Professor  Kume  was 
charged  with  “degrading  Shinto  to  the  level  of 
Christianity”  and  of  insulting  the  Emperor.  The 
Americans  were  accused  of  heresy  and  of  var- 
ious isms  abhorred  by  the  scribes  in  power.  To 
such  lengths  can  fanaticism  go!  The  Japanese 
and  the  American  professors  were  each  promptly 
silenced  within  the  pale,  but  in  the  case  of  the 
heathen  scholar  he  was  retired  on  half  pay.  In 
1912,  writing  of  religion,  this  same  Professor 
Kume  describes  Shinto  and  Confucianism  as 
“present  life”  religions,  and  Buddhism  and  Chris- 
tianity as  “future  life”  religions. 

Not  least  of  the  impressions  of  the  religious 
life  of  America  was  gained  by  Mrs.,  later  the 


214. 


THE  MIKADO 


Marchioness,  Tanaka,  who  in  the  homes  of  not  a 
few  guests  inquired  concerning  family  worship 
and  into  the  training  of  children.  She  visited 
many  a nursery,  while  enjoying  the  hospitality  of 
American  mothers. 

In  Europe  some  of  the  most  rabidly  materialis- 
tie  of  the  embassy  sat  up  at  night,  telling  old 
Chinese  stories,  and  slept  by  day  in  the  railway 
cars,  while  passing  through  superb  scenery  and 
regions  replete  with  thrilling  history,  while  wide 
awake  in  the  machine  shops  and  arsenals.  It 
may  be  different  now,  despite  the  allegation  that 
“the  old  culture  has  conquered.”  Meanwhile 
true  religion,  whatever  its  name,  under  the  ir- 
resistible influence  of  Jesus,  the  Samurai  of 
the  Ages,  and  in  spite  of  friends  and  enemies, 
self-purgative  and  driven  by  motors  unseen, 
moves  more  and  more  the  heart  of  Japanese  hu- 
manity. Not  least  of  the  exemplars  of  the  power 
of  Christianity,  which  may  live  and  work  outside 
its  own  followers  and  ritual  forms,  was,  as  I 
heartily  believe,  Mutsuhito  in  his  later  years. 

Probably  the  feeling  of  the  overwhelming  ma- 
jority of  all  Christians  in  Japan,  who  pray  daily 
for  their  august  ruler,  is  that  the  Mikado  may  be, 
by  conviction  and  practice  of  life,  a sincere  and 
humble  follower  of  Jesus  and  thus  uplift,  bless 
and  lead  the  nation  by  force  of  example.  Apart 
from  this,  they  pray  that  he  may  keep  his  hands 
off,  make  the  Constitution’s  guarantee  of  liberty 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


215 


of  conscience  a reality  to  the  fullest  degree,  and 
restrain  not  only  the  bigots  and  fanatics  of  all 
sects  and  creeds,  while  crushing  out  all  attempts 
to  make  religion  of  any  sort  an  engine  of  state, 
the  trust  and  monopoly  of  a corporation,  or  a 
means  of  personal  gain. 


CHAPTER  XXII 


THE  NATION’S  FACE  TOWARD  THE  WEST 

New  Japan’s  declaration  of  independence 
from  Asia  came  through  a change  of  calendar,  on 
January  1,  1873.  Old  fashioned  Japan,  which 
meant  nearly  everybody  in  the  four  thousand 
islands,  thought  the  world  had  turned  upside 
down,  when  New  Year’s  Day  fell  on  January  1, 
instead  of  February  9.  The  lunar  and  Chinese 
calendar  was  for  Japan  dead  and  buried.  Con- 
formity with  the  time  measurements  of  Christen- 
dom was  officially  declared  and  was  duly 
celebrated  on  January  1.  Japan’s  Emperor,  in 
adopting  the  Gregorian  calendar,  wished  not 
only  to  be  in  harmony  with  Occidental  civiliza- 
tion but  also  to  assert  fresh  sovereignty  and 
independence. 

N evertheless,  in  their  settled  policy  not  merely 
to  imitate  but  first  to  select,  then  adopt,  and  fi- 
nally to  adapt,  the  Japanese  took  care  not  to  use 
those  words  of  historical  origin  associated  with 
Christianity,  or  in  common  Occidental  use.  On 
the  contrary,  they  tried  to  build  science  on  myth- 
ology. They  employed  colorless  terms  in  their 
own  language,  marking  years  and  days,  in  the 

216 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


217 


era  of  Meiji,  and  reckoning  from  “the  foundation 
of  the  Empire”  by  Jimmu  Tenno,  660  3*C. 
January  1,  1872,  began  the  New  Year,  which  was 
the  year  2532  after  the  accession  of  Jimmu,  who 
got  a name  one  thousand  or  more  years  after  his 
supposed  existence.  Hereafter  even  Japanese 
who  professed  to  be  educated  spoke  habitually  of 
“our  twenty-five  hundred  years  of  history,”  thus 
lending  color  to  the  saying  “the  more  official,  the 
less  likely  to  be  true.” 

It  happened  that  the  second  day  of  the  twelfth 
month  of  the  Chinese  system  fell  on  December 
31,  1872,  so  that  the  change  effected  in  the  new 
calendar  was  facilitated  by  leaving  out  twenty-six 
days  of  the  twelfth  month.  New  Year’s  Day  was 
thus  “the  first  day  of  the  first  month,  of  the  sixth 
year  of  Meiji,”  January  1,  1873,  and  the  method 
of  counting  the  years  by  periods  remained  the 
same.  No  popular  protests  or  riots  followed  in 
Japan,  as  had  been,  in  some  instances,  the  case 
in  Europe,  when  the  people  imagined  they  had 
lost  eleven  days  out  of  their  lives.  Native  Bud- 
dhist priests  and  coimtryfolk  still  live  according 
to  the  old,  irregular  almanac,  even  as  the  Rus- 
sians were,  for  centuries,  eleven  days  behind  the 
rest  of  Christendom. 

On  J anuary  1, 1872,  the  Emperor  went  in  state 
on  board  the  ironclad  war  steamer  Biujo,  to 
inspect  the  docks  at  Yokoska.  These  are  built 
under  the  very  shadow  of  the  tomb  of  Will 


218 


THE  MIKADO 


Adams  of  Kent,  the  English  pilot  of  a Duteh 
fleet  despatched  to  Japan  in  1600,  whose  mem- 
ory is  still  kept  green  in  Tokyo  by  the  people  of 
the  thoroughfare  named  after  him.  An  jin  Cho, 
Pilot  street,  in  an  annual  celebration.  In 
1912  his  tomb  was  restored  and  a bronze  statue 
erected. 

His  Majesty  was  to  see  molten  iron  poured 
out  and  thus  get  some  idea  of  the  processes  of 
metallurgy.  The  moulds  contained  the  prepared 
sand  for  the  making  of  the  crysanthemum,  and 
characters  for  ‘'Banzai/^  expressing  the  wish — 
now,  as  a thousand  years  ago,  embodied  in  a 
stanza  which  has  become  the  national  hymn,  that 
the  Mikado  might  live  during  ten  thousand  gen- 
erations ; words  which  later  became  the  battle  cry 
of  the  soldiers  in  the  national  army.  Mutsuhito 
saw  the  tapping  and  flow  of  the  fiery  stream  into 
the  orifice.  Suddenly  the  mould,  probably  damp, 
was  blown  up,  and  red  hot  bits  of  metal  flew  all 
around,  striking  some  of  the  spectators,  who 
quickly  got  out  of  danger.  An  officer,  seeing  the 
Emperor  in  jeopardy,  held  up  his  cap  and  saved 
the  Imperial  face  from  harm,  though  His 
Majesty  kept  perfectly  cool  throughout  the 
whole  affair. 

On  January  17  Mutsuhito  celebrated  the  as- 
sumption of  the  Throne  and  the  Empire  by  the 
Sun  Goddess,  Amaterasu,  or  Tensho  Dai  jin, 
and  his  own  succession  from  his  heavenly  ances- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


219 


tor.  This  takes  place  only  at  the  beginning  of  a 
reign.  The  Imperial  proclamation  stated  that 
when  the  grandson  of  the  sun  goddess  was  about 
to  descend  from  Heaven  his  grandmother  made 
him  a present  of  The  Fertile  Country  of  Sweet 
Flags  (Japan),  saying:  “My  son,  behold!  This 
is  the  country  which  you  are  called  upon  to  gov- 
ern.” So  saying,  she  presented  him  with  the 
symbol  of  an  ear  of  rice.  Descending  from 
heaven  upon  the  mountains  of  Hiuga,  he  there 
planted  the  rice,  and  when  the  first  crops  were 
ready,  he  partook  of  it  as  food.  Such  is  the 
origin  of  the  feast. 

While  the  Emperor’s  person  was  undoubtedly 
safe,  and  while  probably  after  1870  there  was  no 
conspiracy  to  carry  him  off  and  set  up  a rival 
Government,  yet  toward  the  end  of  INIarch,  1872, 
blood  was  shed  in  the  courtyard  of  the  palace 
gates,  because  certain  fanatics  were  determined, 
in  defiance  of  the  challenge  of  the  guards,  to 
penetrate  into  the  Imperial  residence.  Ten  men, 
dressed  in  white  clothes,  carrying  long  staves,  and 
looking  like  the  priests  called  Yamahushi,  or 
INIountain  Sect,  came  to  the  King’s  Hand  Gate, 
declaring  they  wished  to  lay  a complaint  directly 
before  His  Majesty.  Once  allowed  to  get  within 
the  gateway,  they  drew  swords.  Thereupon  the 
guards  fired  upon  them.  Four  were  killed  and 
one  severely  wounded.  We,  the  professors  of  the 
Imperial  University,  talked  the  subject  over  next 


220 


THE  MIKADO 


morning,  and  wondered  what  could  be  the  mean- 
ing of  it.  Very  little  was  ever  said  about  it. 

Along  with  the  change  of  calendar  came  a 
new  warmth  of  welcome  from  the  Emperor  to  his 
foreign  guests.  Having  left  Fukui  for  the  cap- 
ital, to  which  I had  been  invited  by  His  Majesty’s 
new  Minister,  Mr.  Ogi  Takato,  in  the  newly 
created  Department  of  Education,  to  come  to 
Tokyo  to  form  a Polytechnic  School,  after  an 
interview,  on  February  12,  I had  early  proof  of 
the  Emperor’s  personal  interest  in  his  foreign 
helpers.  In  the  reception  room  of  the  Imperial 
Palace,  next  to  the  Throne  Hall,  those  in  the 
educational  service  in  Tokyo,  eighteen  in  number, 
and  of  several  nationalities,  were  invited  to  a 
banquet.  The  Japanese  officers  wore  their  an- 
cient native  caps  and  gowns,  the  Americans  and 
Europeans  black  dress  suits,  though  the  German 
surgeons,  Muller  and  Hoffman,  had  donned  their 
uniforms  of  gold  and  black,  holding  their  spiked 
helmets  in  their  hands  by  the  pickelhaube.  The 
French  and  Prussians  were  not  as  yet  very  cor- 
dial to  each  other,  for  their  war  was  just  over. 
The  Minister  of  Education  sat  at  the  head  of  the 
long  table. 

It  was  delightful — and  frightfully  cold.  Only 
a little  charcoal  in  braziers  diminished,  by  a de- 
gree or  two,  the  freezing  temperature  of  outdoors. 

One  week  later,  in  the  Hall  of  the  old  Seido,  or 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


221 


University  of  Chinese  Philosophy  and  Learning, 
we  were  treated  to  an  exhibition  of  No,  or  classi- 
eal  opera.  The  Emperor  had  sent  his  band  of 
musieians,  twenty-five  in  number,  and  ten  or 
twelve  of  the  most  famous  No  dancers  in  the  Em- 
pire to  entertain  us.  These,  in  resplendent  cos- 
tumes of  the  early  centuries,  sparkling  with  gold 
and  silver,  performed,  with  the  accompaniment 
of  Korean  and  medieval  Japanese  music,  the  four 
dances:  I.  The  Great  Peace  Anthem;  2.  The 

Joy  Attracting  Dance;  3.  The  Golden  Dragon 
Goddess;  4.  The  Benediction  of  the  Mountain 
God. 

During  the  spring  months  we  often  saw  the 
Emperor  at  military  reviews  and  public  gather- 
ings, and  he  always  bowed  to  us  from  his 
carriage.  On  April  20,  visiting  the  Imperial 
University,  he  read  an  address  of  welcome  to  his 
fellow  “rebuilders  of  the  foundations  of  the  Em- 
pire.” I stood  within  a few  inches  of  him  and 
heard  his  clear  voice,  with  its  peculiar  Japanese 
use  and  training,  and  afterward  performed  some 
chemical  experiments  in  presence  of  His  Majesty 
and  chief  officers  of  Court  and  Government. 
Surprise  and  interest  made  their  faces,  after  a 
while,  look  positively  human.  Mutsuhito  wore 
his  ancient  classic  garb,  with  high  gold  feather  or 
plume  far  above  his  head.  On  the  part  of  the 
interpreter,  in  presence  of  the  Son  of  Heaven,  it 
was  a case  of  cold  perspiration  and  a shaking  of 


222 


THE  MIKADO 


bones  through  stress  of  fear  and  awe.  The  Amer- 
ican, who  was  himself  a sovereign  and  had  been 
in  the  presence  of  presidents  and  seen  kings,  was 
more  at  ease. 

One  native  lad,  in  the  English  language  classes, 
in  a composition  describing  the  visit  of  the  Tenno 
to  the  school,  thus  burst  forth  concerning  his 
sovereign.  To  him  no  diction  could  be  too 
lofty,  and,  in  all  innocence  and  sincerity,  he  bor- 
rowed the  paeans  in  the  Forty-fifth  and  Seventy- 
second  Psalms  as  most  appropriate  on  this 
occasion : 

“Thou  art  fairer  than  the  children  of  men. 

Grace  is  poured  into  thy  lips.  . . 

In  thy  majesty  ride  prosperously,”  etc. 

In  spite  of  ultra-conservative  and  hostile  in- 
fluences Okubo,  Ito  and  others  pushed  forward, 
with  the  help  of  British  capital,  the  completion  of 
the  railway.  Above  all  other  objects,  this  enter- 
prise had  in  view  the  annihilation  of  feudal  no- 
tions and  sectional  prejudices,  and  the  creation 
of  a national  sentiment.  At  its  opening  the  Em- 
peror’s benevolence  was  shown  even  more  strik- 
ingly toward  his  subjects,  when,  incredible  as  it 
then  seemed  to  me,  four  native  merchants  in  plain 
garb,  instead  of  crouching  on  all  fours,  actually 
stood  in  the  Imperial  presence,  speaking  to  and 
being  spoken  to  by  the  Mikado. 

It  was  a grand  pageant  and  a sublime  and 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


223 


prophetic  spectacle,  this  dedication  of  the  first 
railway  in  Asia,  and  modelled  after  Perry’s  initia- 
tive, in  1854.  In  the  pageant  of  the  day,  Japan 
was  visualized  as  an  empire.  The  nobles,  and 
civil  and  military  officers,  the  Riu  Kin  princes, 
the  Ainu  chiefs,  the  foreign  guests,  the  floral  and 
color  decorations,  the  popular  processions  and 
rejoicings,  the  addresses  to  His  Majesty  and  the 
Imperial  replies,  are  all  worth  a volume  of  de- 
scription. Yet  most  impressive  and  eloquent, 
prophetic  of  Japan’s  glorious  future,  was  that 
scene  in  which  men  of  trade,  only  of  late  in  the 
social  mire,  stood  erect,  both  at  Yokohama  and 
Tokyo,  in  the  presence  of  gracious  and  apprecia- 
tive majesty. 

This  was  probably  the  last  public  appearance 
of  the  Mikado  in  ancient  costume.  The  skull  cap, 
with  its  pennon  projecting  high  in  air,  the  long 
skirt-trail,  which,  when  he  was  resting,  was  gath- 
ered up  and  hung  over  the  outrigger  clothes- 
frame  projecting  from  the  back  of  his  lacquered 
girdle  and  thus  held,  were  now  to  go  into  the 
museum.  The  officers  were  in  their  stiff,  archaic 
costume.  Mutsuhito  and  the  Senior  and  Junior 
Prime  Ministers  sat  immovable  during  the  two 
hours  of  speeches  and  ceremonies.  On  one  occa-' 
sion  I was  startled  at  seeing  and  hearing  one  of 
these  images  smile  and  speak  to  me. 

It  was  in  the  palace  that  I saw  the  Mikado  in 
his  archaic  robes  again,  when  on  January  1,  1873, 


224 


THE  MIKADO 


I was  one  of  a few  selected  guests,  in  the  Gov- 
ernment service,  invited  by  His  Majesty  to  an 
audience  before  the  Throne  in  the  Imperial 
Castle.  Robed  in  crimson  and  white  silk  and 
crowned  with  the  high  fluted  gold  feather,  IMu- 
tsuhito  sat  on  a throne  chair  resting  on  two  golden 
“Korean  dogs.”  On  the  right  and  left  stood 
two  rows  of  Court  dignitaries.  These  were 
dressed  in  a variety  of  colors  and  quaint  gar- 
ments such  as  a pack  of  playing  cards  might 
suggest,  but  were  shod  with  modern  leather 
shoes. 

Leaving  the  palace  for  a week’s  trip  and  a stay 
of  two  daj^s  at  “the  St.  Helena  of  Tycoonism,” 
where  lived  Keiki,  the  last  Shogun,  I enjoyed 
the  winter  scenery  of  Hakone.  This,  like  Japan 
and  its  humanity,  was  by  turns  superbly  beauti- 
ful, savage,  sublime,  repulsive.  I saw  Fuji  San 
in  every  garb  of  gloom  and  glory,  and,  on  the 
road,  looked  on  a dead  beggar  lying  naked  in  the 
center  of  the  highway,  past  which  men  and  horses 
walked  and  well  fed  dogs  passed.  Such  a sight, 
then  quite  common  in  my  experience,  is  probably 
impossible  in  the  New  Japan  of  a thousand  hos- 
pitals and  numerous  charity  shelters. 

The  Emperor,  resolving  to  show  himself  to  his 
subjects  in  other  and  distant  parts  of  the  Empire, 
and  ^vithal  to  propitiate  Satsuma,  made  a jour- 
nej'^  by  sea  to  Osaka  and  Kyoto.  He  visited 
several  of  the  public  schools  in  the  capital,  re- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


225 


ceived  the  foreign  teachers  and  even  partook  of 
refreshments  otfered  by  them.  At  Osaka  His 
Majesty  enjoyed  seeing  the  performances  of  a 
foreign  equestrian  troupe,  under  INIr.  Abell.  He 
then  took  steamer  to  Nagasaki  and  Kagoshima. 

In  the  capital  city  of  Satsuma  he  gave  audience 
to  Shimadzu  Saburo,  who  handed  to  His  Majesty 
a letter  full  of  language  which,  though  sufficiently 
polite  in  form,  gave  great  offence  to  the  Govern- 
ment. This  gentleman  of  the  old  school  had  not 
only  seen  the  Eta  or  social  outcasts  elevated  to 
citizenship,  but  had  even  heard  of  merchants 
standing  in  the  presence  of  Majesty,  instead  of 
grovelling  on  all  fours.  To  men  of  the  old  mind 
this  was  a sign  that  the  country  was  going  to  de- 
struction. He  charged  the  Emperor’s  system  of 
administration  with  being  “in  danger  of  falling 
into  the  vice  called  republicanism.”  He  pro- 
fessed to  see,  “as  clearly  as  in  a mirror,”  that 
Japan  would  eventually  become  a dependency  of 
the  Western  barbarian.  Again  the  conflict  of 
the  Unionists  with  Imperialists! 

Having  made  himself  visible  to  millions  of  his 
subjects,  Mutsuhito  returned  to  Yokohama  about 
the  middle  of  August.  While  here  he  had  a long 
consultation  with  the  governor  of  Yokohama, 
]\Ir.  Oye  Taku,  concerning  the  case  of  the  Peru- 
vian ship  Maria  Luz,  which  had  come  into  the 
harbor  through  stress  of  weather.  It  was  loaded 
with  the  human  freight  of  Chinese  laborers,  who 


226 


THE  MIKADO 


had  been  deeoyed,  practically  kidnapped,  and 
cruelly  treated.  Their  condition  was  made  known 
by  one  of  them  swimming  off  to  a British  man-of- 
war  then  in  the  harbor. 

Mutsuhito,  not  afraid  of  “the  vice  called  repub- 
licanism,” nor  of  Peruvian  ironclads,  nor  of  the 
frowns  of  men  behind  the  age,  resolved  to  strike 
a blow  for  human  freedom.  After  due  trial  in 
court,  the  Chinese  laborers  were  landed  on  Japa- 
nese soil  and  held  until  the  Peking  government 
was  heard  from.  This  was  Japan’s  first  mani- 
festo in  behalf  not  of  herself  only  but  of  Asian 
humanity.  Some  foreigners  severely  criticized 
the  Imperial  action  and  even  imagined  a Peru- 
vian man-of-war  coming  to  demand  satisfaction; 
but  the  matter  was  settled  by  arbitration,  the 
Russian  Emperor  deciding  that  Japan  was  right. 

Incidentally,  this  noble  act  of  Mutsuhito 
wrought  good  to  his  own  people,  through  pub- 
licity of  the  trial  of  Japanese  slave  keepers,  who 
traded  in  the  flesh  of  women.  In  the  trial  at 
court  the  cogent  arguments  of  the  English  bar- 
rister, F.  V.  Dickins,  and  the  translator  of 
Japan’s  classic  verse,  helped  mightily.  Young 
girls,  who  had  been  forced  to  go  into  service  for 
vile  purposes,  were  practically  set  free  and  the 
old  contracts,  which  bound  them  involuntarily  for 
a period  of  years,  were  annulled. 

The  good  work,  thus  begun  in  behalf  of  sixty 
thousand  or  more  women  slaves,  in  the  brothels 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


227 


licensed  by  Government,  has  been  continued 
notably  by  the  able  editor,  member  of  Parlia- 
ment, and  historian,  Shimada  Saburo.  With  the 
legal  weapons  furnished  by  improvement  in  legis- 
lation the  Salvation  Army,  braving  Japanese 
bullies  and  ruffians,  set  free  in  one  year  more 
than  twelve  thousand  of  these  unfortunates.  The 
existence  of  this  traffic  in  woman’s  flesh  and  the 
abuses  of  the  system  make  one  of  the  blackest 
blots  on  the  good  name  of  Japan. 

Great  conflagrations  in  Tokyo,  in  1911,  have 
helped,  or  at  least  given  the  Japanese  an  oppor- 
timity  to  cauterize  the  foulest  of  the  social  ulcers 
of  Dai  Nippon.  Christian  women  in  Japan  are 
besieging  the  Imperial  Diet  with  petitions  in 
favor  of  one  standard  of  morality  for  all. 


CHAPTER  XXIIl 


THE  EMPEROR  IN  PUBLIC 

After  the  completion  of  the  first  iron  road,  the 
next  sensation  was  the  building  of  a railway 
through  the  national  intellect,  such  as  the  reading 
of  the  Bible  suggests.  Mutsuhito’s  acceptance  of 
a copy  of  the  English  Bible,  at  the  hands  of  Dr. 
J.  C.  Hepburn,  on  behalf  of  the  mission  which 
he  represented,  through  the  kind  offices  of  the 
American  Minister,  C.  H.  De  Long,  was  another 
expression  of  the  Emperor’s  desire  to  cultivate 
friendly  feelings  with  his  foreign  guests.  Being 
in  a foreign  language,  Mutsuhito  could  not  be 
expected  to  consult  this  book  very  often,  a library 
in  one  volume.  The  Holy  Scriptures  in  Japa- 
nese were  not  yet  ready,  though  several  of  the 
books  of  the  New  Testament  had  been  trans- 
lated. It  was  not  until  1898  that  a handsome 
copy  of  the  complete  Bible  in  Japanese,  one  of 
the  greatest  of  successful  missionary  translations, 
was  graciously  received  by  His  Majesty.  That 
Mutsuhito  made  himself  in  a measure  familiar 
with  its  general  contents  is  beyond  doubt. 

As  man  advances  so  also  must  woman.  The 
first  lady  of  the  land  was  now  to  win  fresh  honors 

228 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


229 


with  her  husband.  The  time  was  ripe  for  the 
Empress  to  be  more  of  a wife  and  a woman  and 
participate  in  the  new  and  broader  life  of  the  na- 
tion. In  old  days  an  Imperial  consort  had  been 
allowed  to  leave  the  palace  only  when  the  days 
of  her  confinement  drew  near.  Otherwise  she 
must  remain  ever  within  walls.  It  was  reported 
that  she  was  attended  only  by  vestals,  who  had 
never  beheld  a man  and  that  even  the  highest 
dignitaries  were  not  allowed  to  see  her.  Like 
many  other  traditional  statements  of  the  Japa- 
nese, I,  for  one,  do  not  believe  this,  if  taken  liter- 
ally, but  certainly  her  life  was  wholly  one  of 
narrow  routine  indoors. 

On  January  16,  1872,  within  the  Palace,  the 
Empress  received  in  audience  the  wives  of  the 
American  and  Russian  Ministers,  Mrs.  De  Long 
and  Madame  Buztow.  This  had  more  signifi- 
cance than  the  mere  statement  of  the  fact  would 
warrant,  for  the  Empress  thereby  honored  her- 
self more  than  her  guests.  The  Mikado’s  wife,  in 
Kyoto  days,  had  never  been  considered  his  equal. 
She  was  never  addressed  with  the  corresponding 
title,  nor  awarded  the  same  honors  as  a woman  of 
like  rank  and  name  in  Europe.  Such  equality 
of  wifehood  is  logically  impossible  in  any  coun- 
try where  a harem,  or  seraglio,  or,  legalized  con- 
cubinage exists.  By  the  new  privileges  accorded 
to  his  consort  Mutsuhito  recognized  that  the 
freedom  enjoyed  by  women  in  Western  countries 


230 


THE  MIKADO 


was  “in  accordance  with  the  right  Way  between 
Heaven  and  earth,”  and  here  again  his  example 
has  been  powerful  with  his  people.  In  time, 
Mutsuhito  caused  the  days  of  polygamy,  in  the 
palace  and  among  his  subjects,  to  be  nmnbered, 
and  advised  his  son,  the  present  Emperor,  to  have 
but  one  wife.  At  the  same  time  the  customs  of 
blackening  the  teeth  after  marriage  and  the 
wearing  of  the  hair  in  four  styles,  to  signify 
respectively  maidenhood,  wifehood,  widowhood 
or  permanent  celibacy,  were  abolished.  The  new 
democraey  is  seen  even  in  the  women’s  coiffure, 
all  classes  dressing  their  hair  alike. 

Not  everything  was  done  by  the  Japanese  out 
of  sweet  temper  and  spontaneous  benevolence. 
Many  things  were  yielded  only  on  pressure.  For 
example.  His  Majesty  had  always  remained 
seated  while  giving  audience  to  foreign  Minis- 
ters, and  any  change  of  native  customs,  to  con- 
form with  the  etiquette  in  use  at  other  courts, 
was  resisted  by  the  Emperor’s  advisers,  until  Mr. 
R.  T.  Watson,  the  British  Charge  d’ Affaires,  re- 
fused to  be  received  unless  the  Mikado  followed 
the  example  of  sovereigns  elsewhere  and,  in  this 
way,  showed  real  friendship.  When  the  usual 
policy  of  delay  was  attempted,  the  Imperial  au- 
thorities were  given  to  understand  that  unless 
modern  civilized  eustoms  were  followed  in  Tokyo, 
the  ambassadors  then  in  Europe  would  not  be 
received  by  Queen  Victoria.  This  settled  the 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


231 


question  quickly,  and  Mr.  Watson  received  swift 
proof  of  reasonableness,  by  soon  standing  face 
to  face  with  the  standing  Emperor.  One  of  the 
noblest  traits  of  the  Japanese  is  his  willingness 
to  change  for  the  better  when  he  sees  himself 
wrong.  Often  by  moral  compulsion,  more  fre- 
quently by  free  choice,  he  walks  in  the  better  way. 

So  far  from  Haruko,  the  wife  of  Mutsuhito, 
being  an  “Empress,”  in  the  European  sense  of 
the  word,  the  Japanese  of  the  early  seventies,  as 
I can  testify,  strenuously  objected  to  speaking 
of  the  gracious  lady  as  “Her  Majesty.”  “Bu- 
shido” had  little  to  say  for  the  exaltation  or  even 
equality  of  woman.  The  arguments  in  explana- 
tion of  the  real  position  of  woman  in  Japan,  as 
given  thus  far  by  native  authors,  seem  tame  and 
lame.  But  now  Japanese  would  be  indignant 
if  one  did  not  address  or  speak  of  the  Emperor’s 
wife  as  “Empress,”  for  they  see  things  more 
clearly.  “Kogo  Sama” — as  her  title  is — ranks  as 
true  Empress,  although  by  the  Constitution  and 
Imperial  House  law  neither  she  nor  any  other 
woman  can  be,  as,  in  nine  other  previous  in- 
stances Japanese  women  before  were,  sovereign, 
or  Mikado.  Largely  in  reflection  of  potent  ex- 
ample in  the  Palace,  how  different  the  life  of  the 
Japanese  woman  to-day,  as  compared  with  that 
of  only  thirty  years  ago! 

To  unify  the  commonwealth  and  end  the  ano- 
maly of  “a  nation  within  a nation,”  all  lines  of 


232 


THE  MIKADO 


advancement  were  thrown  open  to  all.  The 
army,  the  navj%  the  court,  schools  and  public 
employment  of  all  sorts  were  made  highways 
to  promotion.  The  motto  “education  is  the  basis 
of  all  progress”  was  adopted,  as  was  Verbeck’s 
j)lan  of  common  school  education.  The  country 
was  divided  into  eight  grand  districts,  each  of 
which  would  in  time  have  one  university,  or  eight 
in  all;  thirty-two  middle  schools,  and  210  acad- 
emies, in  which  the  foreign  languages  would  be 
taught  the  higher  classes.  In  stimulating  this 
j)olicy,  in  planning  and  cooperating,  the  Ameri- 
can missionaries,  led  by  G.  F.  Verbeck  and  S.  R. 
Brown,  were  very  effective  and  the  majority  of 
foreign  teachers  have  been  Americans.  Dr. 
David  Murray  was  for  many  years  the  urbane 
and  efficient  adviser  to  the  Department  of  Edu- 
cation. In  the  Engineering  College  of  the  De- 
partment of  Public  Works  English  professors 
were  called  to  serve,  and  noble  is  their  record. 

Ideas  grow  slowly.  Millions  cannot  be  edu- 
cated in  a day.  Many  local  riots  throughout  the 
empire  showed  how  little  the  grand  purposes  of 
the  Government  were  understood.  In  these  rus- 
tic uprisings  the  farmers  carried  on  bamboo  poles 
sheets  of  matting  daubed  in  ink  with  mottoes,  or 
declarations  of  their  grievances.  Rude  spears 
were  made  by  sharpening  bamboo  staves  and 
hardening  their  points  in  fire.  Repeal  of  the 
conscription  law,  the  abolition  of  the  new  na- 


I 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON  233 

tional  schools,  the  restoration  of  the  old  ealendar, 
and  the  right  to  shave  their  heads  as  before,  were 
demanded.  Priests  wanted  the  old  regime  back 
again.  JNIen  whose  view  was  circumscribed  by 
rice  fields  could  not  understand  the  new  age. 
Later  on,  they  approved  with  enthusiasm. 

In  consolidating  his  Empire  and  asserting  its 
unity  and  independence  INIutsuhito  must  grapple 
with  the  problem  of  dual  sovereignty  and  also 
end  it.  This  Chinese  doctrine  was  illustrated  in 
both  Korea  and  the  Riu  Kiu  Islands,  and  out  of 
it  grew  the  great  war  with  China  in  1904. 

Although  in  the  little  southern  archipelago  the 
people  are  Japanese,  so  far  as  features,  blood 
and  language  can  prove  origin,  they  were  from 
very  early  times  pupils  and  vassals  of  China.  The 
name  Riu  Kiu  may  mean  Sleeping  Dragon ; or,  as 
the  Chinese  charaeters  are  read.  Pendent  Tassels, 
or  Hanging  Balls — that  is,  part  of  the  tasselled 
fringe,  on  the  mighty  robe  of  the  Great  Central 
Empire.  In  1875  the  islanders  were  forbidden 
from  Tokyo  to  despatch  any  further  tribute  to 
China  and  a few  companies  of  soldiers,  bearing 
the  Mikado’s  crest  on  their  frontlets,  occupied  the 
little  arehipelago,  which  henceforth,  wdth  its  area 
of  171  square  miles  and  170,000  people,  became 
an  integral  part  of  the  Japanese  Empire.  The 
kinglet,  Sho  Tai,  came  to  Tokyo,  living  quietly 
in  the  great  city,  until  August  19,  1901,  when  he 
died,  his  deeease  ending  the  last  living  memorial 


234 


THE  MIKADO 


of  the  dual  sovereignties,  once  so  common  in  Asia. 
Now  Riu  Kiu  is  becoming  not  only  the  sanitar- 
ium of  the  Empire  but  a Christian  garden. 

Reaffirmation  of  the  Mikado’s  sovereignty 
required  of  Mutsuhito  protection  for  these  island- 
ers, and  he  was  soon  obliged  to  show  his  willing- 
ness. A tribe  of  Formosan  copper  colored 
warriors,  probably  near  ethnic  kinsmen  to  both  the 
Japanese  and  the  North  American  Indians,  the 
Butans,  were  head  hunters  and  under  no  rule. 
The  Chinese  had  no  jurisdiction  over  aboriginal 
Formosa.  Many  a foreign  ship  wrecked  on  the 
Formosan  coast  furnished  skulls  for  the  dadoes 
in  the  village  halls. 

In  1867  the  American  bark  Rover  had  been 
wrecked  and  all  on  board  put  to  death  by  these  red 
men.  General  Le  Gendre,  United  States  Consul 
at  Amoy,  then  visited  the  island,  with  a Chinese 
force,  and  made  a treaty  with  the  Butans,  who 
promised  to  treat  all  shipwrecked  people  kindly. 
In  1871  sixty  Riu  Kiuans,  cast  ashore  on  this 
same  eastern  coast,  were  killed  by  these  same 
head  hunters,  the  Butans.  Hearing  of  this.  Con- 
sul Le  Gendre,  in  the  U.  S.  S.  S.  Ashuelot,  again 
visited  the  islands  to  find  out  why  the  treaty  had 
been  broken.  The  savages  received  their  old 
friend  gladly  and  explained  that  they  had  mis- 
taken the  Riu  Kiuans  for  Chinese,  with  whom 
they  were  at  perpetual  war,  and  for  whose  heads, 
as  desirable  prizes,  they  were  always  hunting. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


235 


The  next  year  Mr.  Le  Gendre,  while  in  Japan, 
on  his  way  to  America,  was  consulted  by  the  Em- 
peror’s Minister  Soyeshima,  and  engaged  as  an 
adviser. 

The  Butans  must  be  chastised,  but  how  would 
China  look  upon  the  Japanese  landing  a force  in 
Formosa?  Happily  the  way  of  conciliation  was 
opened.  Mutsuhito,  who  wished  to  send  to  the 
young  Chinese  Emperor  a letter  of  congratula- 
tion upon  his  recent  marriage,  appointed  as  his 
ambassador  Soyeshima,  formerly  a pupil  of  Dr. 
Verbeck  and  later  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 
A consummate  scholar  in  Chinese,  he  was  thor- 
oughly versed  in  the  etiquette  of  the  Peking 
Court.  Meeting  Li  Hung  Chang  at  Tientsin,  on 
April  3,  ratifications  of  treaties  were  exchanged 
and  Soyeshima  arrived  in  Peking  in  the  nick  of 
time.  He  used  his  code  of  politeness  as  a rapier 
to  pierce  the  hide  of  Chinese  arrogance  and  wound 
it  at  a vital  point.  As  ambassador,  and  thus  out- 
ranking all  other  foreign  envoys,  he  carried  off 
the  highest  honors.  The  audience  question,  long 
discussed,  was  thus  settled  for  a time  at  least,  and 
later  China  acknowledged  Japan’s  right  to  pun- 
ish the  savages  in  Formosa.  Soyeshima  arrived 
home  in  August,  firmly  believing  that  China  was 
in  full  sympathy  with  Japan’s  purpose. 

Japanese  art  was  the  first  product  of  the  na- 
tional genius  that  had  attracted  the  serious 
attention  of  the  appreciative  civilized  world,  and 


236 


THE  MIKADO 


the  enterprise  of  international  expositions  had 
already  been  embarked  upon.  Mutsuhito  took 
great  interest  in  the  researches  of  the  American, 
Mr.  F enollosa,  who  made  a comparative  study  of 
the  art  of  Japan  and  Europe.  After  decorating 
repeatedly  this  “Teacher  of  Great  Men,”  the  Em- 
jjeror,  upon  the  departure  from  Japan  of  this 
unwearied  student,  said:  “You  have  taught  my 
people  to  know  their  own  art:  in  going  back  to 
your  great  country,  I charge  you  to  teach  your 
own  countrymen  also.”  It  required  foreign 
stimulus  to  make  the  Japanese  people  at  large 
appreciate  their  own  artistic  treasures. 

After  the  collection  made  for  Vienna  had  been 
shipped  an  exhibition  of  interesting  things  was 
maintained  permanently  in  Tokyo,  and  this  has 
grown  into  the  National  Museum  at  Uyeno, 
where  among  other  things  are  the  relics  of  Japa- 
nese Christianity  and  the  Mikado’s  throne  mats 
formerly  used.  From  the  days  of  the  Crystal 
Palace  in  London  to  the  Louisiana  Purchase  Ex- 
position in  St.  Louis,  and  in  view  of  the  Panama- 
Pacific  Exposition,  in  1915,  the  Japanese  have 
steadily  progressed  in  the  capacity  and  art  of 
exhibition,  notably  under  the  practical  labors  of 
Mr.  S.  Tejima. 

The  newspaper  press  had  become  a great  en- 
gine for  the  making  of  public  opinion.  In  1873 
one  weekly  and  two  daily  papers  had  been  started 
under  private  ownership,  one  being  the  Mai- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


237 


nielli  Shimhun  (Every  Day  Budget)  in  Yoko- 
hama, which  at  first  was  only  an  advertising  sheet 
without  comment  or  criticism.  In  later  years  it 
was  brilliantly  conducted  by  Shimada  Saburo,  a 
pupil  of  Dr.  Samuel  R.  Brown.  The  other  was 
the  Nichi-Nichi-Shimbun,  or  Day-by-day  News- 
paper, since  become  a Government  organ  of  great 
weight  and  respectability.  Like  so  much  Japa- 
nese popular  literature,  the  first  native  journals 
were  loaded  with  obscenity,  which  the  people  read 
greedily.  The  establishment  of  the  true  J apanese 
press,  in  which  criticism,  comment  and  interpre- 
tation were  mingled,  was  the  work  of  the  English- 
man, Mr.  John  R.  Black,  author  of  “Young 
Japan,”  who  founded  the  Nisshin  Shinjishi 
(Daily  Newspaper).  Good  results  of  its  whole- 
some criticisms  were  quickly  seen  in  the  sweeping 
away  of  some  of  the  abominably  obscene  exhi- 
bitions then  so  common  in  the  city  of  Tokyo. 

Selecting  from  each  nation  its  characteristic 
product,  the  Japanese  have  become  experts  in 
finding  out  what  the  world  and  its  various  parts 
can  yield  them.  The  French  furnished  for  Japan, 
at  the  beginning,  the  science  of  war,  the  art  of 
cookery,  and  for  a time  the  Code  Napoleon.  In 
later  years  much  was  borrowed  from  Germany, 
General  Meckel  being  chief  instructor  in  the  or- 
ganization of  the  nation  for  defence,  as  well  as 
in  the  detail  of  campaigns.  The  Japanese  mar- 
ines were  first  organized  and  trained  by  Lieuten- 


238 


THE  MIKADO 


ant  Hawes,  of  Queen  Vietoria’s  marine  corps, 
and  much  was  done  for  the  navy  by  Captain 
James  and  other  British  gentlemen  of  expert 
ability.  Sir  Lucius  Archibald  Douglas,  later 
British  Admiral,  was  Director  of  the  Imperial 
Naval  College  in  Tokyo  from  1873  to  1875,  and 
the  trainer  of  Togo.  These  Yatoi,  Americans, 
Germans,  Dutchmen  and  others,  an  army  per- 
haps five  thousand  strong,  including  twelve  hun- 
dred teachers  from  the  United  States,  have  done 
noble  service  for  Japan. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 


CONFRONTING  NEW  PROBLEMS 

In  May,  1872,  Shimadzu  Saburo,  of  Satsuina, 
was  invited  to  visit  the  capital  by  the  Govern- 
ment, which  sent  a man-of-war  for  his  convey- 
ance, to  show  also  that  the  invitation  was  not  to 
be  lightly  regarded. 

When  he  and  his  band  of  two  hundred  Samurai 
arrived  they  seemed  most  sadly  medieval  and  ob- 
solete. All  wore  high  clogs,  long  red  scabbarded 
swords,  had  the  front  and  sides  of  their  noddles 
shaved,  went  bareheaded  and  often  bare  armed, 
and  in  general  looked  like  a pack  of  antiquated 
ruffians.  They  found  themselves  so  stared  at,  and 
indeed  so  looked  upon  as  men  behind  the  times 
that  they  actually  begged  their  lord  to  allow  them 
to  take  off  their  killing  tools.  While  their  com- 
rades of  other  days,  and  J apanese  gentlemen  gen- 
erally, had  cut  off  their  topnots  and  cultivated 
their  front  head  hair,  laid  aside  their  weapons 
and  either  adopted  foreign  dress  or  accepted  the 
wearing  of  the  Samurai  clothing  by  common 
folks,  these  ferocious  looking  fellows  from  the 
south  adhered  to  the  garb  and  mien  of  a century 
gone.  Shimadzu  was  urged  to  take  high  office, 

239 


THE  MIKADO 


210 

and  he  did  so.  It  was  sad  work  for  him,  as  though 
Noah  had  been  invited  to  cross  the  Atlantic  on  an 
“ocean  greyhound.”  He  was  able  to  stand  the 
modernism  of  the  renovated  Court  and  Govern- 
ment for  a few  months  only,  and  then  this  critic 
of  the  Emperor  returned  to  Satsuma  and  serene 
obscurity. 

The  next  foreign  visitor,  on  the  frigate  Gari- 
baldi, was  the  Duke  of  Genoa,  a son  of  King 
Victor  Emmanuel  and  a lieutenant  in  the  Italian 
navy.  The  Emperor  made  him  his  guest,  treating 
him  with  high  honor. 

The  great  embassy,  on  its  return,  was  con- 
fronted by  questions  of  domestic  politics  that 
threatened  to  rend  the  country.  The  minds  of 
the  military  classes  were  exercised  over  the  For- 
mosa outrages  and  they  were  stung  to  madness  by 
a defiant  and  insulting  Korean  letter  which  up- 
braided Japan  for  having  adopted  Western  civi- 
lization. The  ex-Samurai  clamored  for  war,  the 
invasion  of  Korea,  the  chastisement  of  the  For- 
mosan savages  and  the  immediate  formation  of  a 
national  assembly. 

To  all  these  projects  Iwakura  and  those  who 
thought  with  him  were  totally  opposed.  Im- 
pressed with  the  unity  of  the  American  republic, 
now  no  longer  merely  federal  but  truly  national, 
and  with  the  strength  of  the  central  authority  at 
Washington,  Iwakura  and  his  colleagues  believed 
that  all  immediate  efforts  should  be  in  the  direc- 
tion of  consolidation. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


241 


After  many  interviews  among  themselves  the 
debate  was  adjourned  and  held  before  the  Em- 
peror. The  master  mind  throughout  was  that  of 
Okubo,  who  showed  that  to  go  to  war  with  Korea 
at  such  a time  was  simply  to  play  into  the  hands 
of  Russia.  When  Mutsuhito  vetoed  the  war 
scheme,  five  of  his  Ministers,  Saigo,  Soyeshima, 
Goto,  Itagaki  and  Eto  resigned. 

Terashima,  Okubo,  Ito  and  Katsu  took  the 
vacant  places,  but  violent  agitation  among  the 
old  clansmen  followed.  It  eventuated  that  the 
Formosan  expedition,  made  up  chiefly  of  Sat- 
suma  men,  slipped  off  without  orders  and  Iwa- 
kura’s  life  was  attempted  by  assassins.  It  was 
at  this  time  that  I learned  much  directly  concern- 
ing the  Emperor’s  personal  life  from  Katsu  Awa. 
This  great  man  was  the  representative  of  both 
the  old  and  the  new  Japan,  the  link  between  feu- 
dalism and  the  return  to  modern  nationality,  and 
the  unwavering  believer  in  mind  and  reason  as 
being  above  the  sword  and  brute  force.  He  told 
me  much  concerning  the  personality  and  daily 
habits  of  the  Emperor  and  the  conduct  of  men 
of  all  parties  and  offices.  At  certain  times  in 
these  awful  crises,  some,  often  most  of  the  Min- 
isters absented  themselves  from  the  Council 
Board.  There  was  in  more  than  one  instance  a 
terrible  wavering  between  the  old  clan  instinct, 
with  its  personal  loves  and  hates,  hopes  and  fears, 
and  loyalty  to  the  new  Government,  so  that  hon- 


242 


THE  MIKADO 


est  men  were  often  at  their  wit’s  end  what  to  do 
or  advise.  Such  ordeals  did  but  develop  the 
moral  fibre  of  the  young  Mikado.  They  made 
him  a judge  of  men  and  gave  him  the  power  of 
impartial  and  quick  judgment,  fitting  him  to  be, 
also,  a consummate  master  of  conciliation. 

The  Empress  in  July  visited  the  silk  reeling  fac- 
tory at  Tomioka,  where,  under  French  superin- 
tendents, elaborate  and  effective  machinery  had 
been  introduced  to  reel  silk  from  cocoons.  This 
was  a great  change  from  the  old  way  of  melting 
the  shrouds  of  the  grubs  in  hot  water  heated  in 
an  iron  pot  over  a charcoal  fire,  picking  out  the 
cue  with  the  fingers,  and  then  reeling  by  hand  the 
strands  on  a little  wooden  frame.  In  Japanese 
mjdhology  the  method  was  even  more  primitive. 
The  goddess  who  created  the  silkworms  put  the 
cocoons  in  her  mouth  and  thence  spun  out  the  sil- 
very threads.  In  this  century  it  is  a worm  that 
supplies  out  of  its  bowels  the  largest  item  of  the 
wealth  of  Japan  in  exports.  The  Emperor  and 
Empress  together  visited  also  the  model  farm  and 
nurseries  under  the  care  of  the  American,  General 
Horace  Capron.  Late  in  December  they  saw  the 
docks  at  Yokosuka. 

The  new  year  of  1874  at  the  capital  was  ush- 
ered in  at  midnight  by  a great  mountain  of  fire, 
streaked  with  iridescence  of  many  hues,  that 
seemed  to  rise  up  in  the  southern  part  of  the  city. 
The  torch  had  been  applied  by  some  enemy  of  the 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


24>3 


Government,  perhaps  some  fanatic  Buddhist 
priest  of  the  great  Buddhist  temple  of  Zozoji,  in 
Shiba,  in  revenge  for  its  official  “purification”  in 
the  interests  of  Shinto. 

The  old  clansmen,  hereditary  guardians  of  the 
sword  of  Japan,  “the  living  soul  of  the  Samurai,” 
still  held  the  idea  that  they  could  act  indepen- 
dently of  the  Government,  or  force  it  to  declare 
war,  notwithstanding  that  the  resources  of  the 
country  had  been  already  strained  to  the  utmost. 
They  first  attempted  to  assassinate  Iwakura, 
whom  they  wounded.  The  intending  assassins 
were  caught  and  beheaded. 

Reckless  men  proceeded  still  further  in  the  bad 
old  way  of  the  ronin.  In  Hizen,  at  Saga,  a band 
of  rioters  assaulted  the  local  bank  and  levied  on 
the  rich  farmers  and  merchants,  with  the  idea  of 
providing  funds  for  an  expedition  to  Korea. 
Soon  it  was  known  in  Tokyo  that  Eto  Shimpei, 
the  late  Minister,  was  at  the  head  of  the  rebellion. 

Not  a moment  was  to  be  lost,  or  the  fires  of 
insurrection  would  spread  rapidly.  The  Mikado 
at  once  ordered  Okubo,  with  Admiral  Ito  and 
General  Nodzu,  and  backed  by  ships  and  men,  to 
deal  with  the  crisis.  This  they  did  quickly.  Steam 
and  electricity  make  history  short.  The  castle  at 
Saga  had  been  stormed,  but  the  Imperial  mind 
was  speedily  relieved  by  a telegram  from  Okubo, 
announcing  surrender  on  the  one  hand  and  vic- 
tory on  the  other.  Eto  fled,  but  was  soon  dis- 


THE  MIKADO 


covered.  He  had  feathered  the  shafts  for  his  own 
destruction.  When  Minister  of  Justice  in  Tokyo 
he  had  introdueed  the  eustom  of  making  the  faces 
of  eriminals  known  by  photography.  By  means 
of  his  own  portrait,  widely  distributed,  he  was 
quickly  recognized,  seized  and  beheaded. 

The  Formosan  Expedition  was  “a  combination 
of  enterprises  whieh,  whatever  their  consequences, 
would  have  attracted  a far  greater  attention  and 
a more  vivid  interest  than  any  previous  event  of 
modem  times.”  It  meant  nothing  less  than  the 
invasion  of  Formosa  and  of  Korea,  and  long 
preparation  had  been  made  with  this  end  in  view. 
The  invaders  believed  that  even  the  conquest  of 
China  was  possible. 

In  suppressing  the  Saga  rebellion  the  loyalty 
of  the  new  national  army  was  thoroughly  tested, 
and  the  resourees  of  the  nation  both  in  men  and 
money  were  strained.  Had  the  uprising  been 
reinforeed  by  Satsuma,  it  would  have  made  a 
question  of  life  or  death  for  the  Government. 
There  is  little  doubt  that  many  of  the  veteran 
soldiers  disliked  the  idea  of  fighting  the  insur- 
gents in  Saga,  beeause  their  object  was  what  all 
the  Samurai  had  at  heart,  namely,  the  invasion 
of  Korea.  To  satisfy  both  Satsuma  and  the 
army,  it  was  given  out  that  the  Mikado  would 
order  an  expedition  to  Formosa  as  soon  as  his 
authority  was  vindicated  in  Hizen. 

As  planned  by  the  Government,  the  Formosa 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


24.5 


Expedition  was  finely  organized.  Diplomati- 
cally, the  Japanese  had  the  unchallenged  right 
of  way.  Everything  was  done  after  previous 
agreement  with  China.  The  Peking  mandarins 
had  furnished  a map  of  Formosa,  showing  what 
parts  of  the  island,  the  northern  end  and  western 
half,  were  subject  to  Chinese  jurisdiction.  The 
southeastern  tip  was  the  portion  which  the  Japa- 
nese were  to  enter  and  occupy  temporarily. 
This  was  divided  from  the  Chinese  domain  by 
almost  impassable  mountain  barriers,  which  the 
aboriginal  savages  used  as  fastnesses.  On  the 
western  slopes  the  native  head  hunters  were  ac- 
customed to  reap  their  periodical  harvests  of 
Chinese  heads,  easily  carried,  when  cut  off,  by 
their  hair  handles,  or  queues.  On  the  sea  coast 
these  Butans  got  what  they  could  from  frequent 
shipwrecks. 

A British  and  an  American  steamer  were  char- 
tered to  carry  the  Japanese  marines  and  infantry, 
together  with  a large  contingent  of  laborers,  be- 
sides tools  and  materials  for  making  roads  and 
building  temporary  shelters.  Excellent  equip- 
ment for  attention  to  the  wounded  and  the  thirsty 
was  provided,  for  the  Japanese,  above  all  people, 
believe  in  plenty  of  pure  water.  General  T. 
Saigo,  the  younger  brother  of  Marshal  Saigo  of 
1868,  was  appointed  to  command.  Three  exper- 
ienced American  officers,  one  of  the  United 
States  Navy,  one  of  the  Engineer  Corps,  and 


246 


THE  MIKADO 


General  Le  Gendre  were,  by  permission  of  the 
State  Department  in  Washington,  permitted  to 
accompany  the  Japanese.  Mr.  Edward  H. 
House  was  to  go  as  correspondent.  He  was 
under  the  patronage  of  Okuma,  and  later  wrote 
the  history  of  the  expedition. 

Most  unexpectedly,  when  everything  was 
ready,  the  foreign  diplomatists  in  Tokyo  inter- 
meddled most  foolishly.  They  stirred  up  such  a 
protest,  with  predictions  of  risk  and  ruin,  that  the 
expedition  was  very  much  disarranged  and  the 
whole  matter  became  very  complicated;  for  the 
Chinese  Government,  which  had  hitherto  been 
complacent,  suddenly  assumed  a hostile  front. 
Nevertheless  the  expedition  sailed,  and  Okubo 
was  sent  with  full  powers  to  Peking. 

In  Formosa  the  Japanese  built  roads,  erected 
huts,  and  had  some  little  fighting  in  the  bamboo 
jungles.  After  chastising  the  savages  they  se- 
cured from  the  chiefs  the  promise  of  good  treat- 
ment of  shipwrecked  people  upon  their  shores. 
While  the  Mikado’s  captains  gained  experience  in 
handling  an  army  clothed  and  armed  in  Western 
style,  it  was  evident  that  they  had  not  wholly 
mastered  modem  military  methods.  It  was  like 
some  of  the  first  English  experiments  in  coloniza- 
tion. There  were,  in  the  force  ashore,  too  many 
gentlemen,  and  almost  as  many  laborers  as  sol- 
diers. The  total  loss  of  life,  chiefly  through  dis- 
ease and  exposure,  was  about  seven  hundred. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


247 


The  bodies  of  the  dead  were  brought  to  Nagasaki, 
and,  under  Government  auspices,  buried  in  what 
is  now  one  of  the  national  cemeteries.  The  final 
issue  of  all  was  that  the  Peking  authorities  recog- 
nized the  Formosan  Expedition  as  just  and 
rightful,  promising  that  if  the  Japanese  would 
evacuate  the  island  China  w^ould  pay  indemnity 
for  expenses,  to  the  amount  of  400,000  taels.  The 
pamphlet  written  by  Mr.  E.  H.  House  contains 
an  accurate  chronicle  of  this  enterprise. 

Thus  “all  was  settled,  and  once  more  Japan 
held  up  her  head  as  a leader  in  paths  of  humanity, 
a fearless  actor  in  the  role  she  marked  out  for 
herself,  in  spite  of  whatever  influences  might  be 
brought  against  her.” 

It  was  this  vacillating  and  unjust  conduct  of 
China  in  her  dealings  with  J apan,  both  in  regard 
to  the  Formosans  and  the  Riu  Kiuan  matters, 
that  fixed  the  Japanese  in  their  determination  to 
strike  hard  at  China  when  the  opportunity  should 
come,  as  it  did  come  twenty  years  later.  Mean- 
while their  respect  for  the  foreign  diplomatists  in 
Tokyo  was  not  raised  by  the  shortsighted  med- 
dlesomeness of  these  gentlemen. 

The  Emperor  was  much  interested  in  the 
transit  of  Venus  across  the  sun,  which  took  place 
December  9,  1874,  and  his  Ministers  and  learned 
men  cooperated  warmly  with  the  scientific  ob- 
servers sent  out  from  America,  France  and 
Mexico.  On  Palace  Hill  (Goten-yama)  for- 


248 


THE  MIKADO 


nierly  garrisoned  by  Echizen’s  troops,  the  former 
chief  of  the  Survey  Department,  with  Dr.  David 
Murray,  observed  the  phenomenon,  the  latter 
sliowing  upon  a screen  the  movement  of  the 
planet  across  the  greater  disc.  In  Yokohama  a 
lithographed  illustrated  newspaper,  very  witty, 
very  humorous  and  always  mirth  provoking, 
published  from  time  to  time  by  Mr.  Wirgman,  of 
the  London  Illustrated  News,  as  The  Japan 
Punch,  treated  the  theme  in  allegory.  A striking 
cartoon,  entitled  “The  Transit  of  Venus,  as  Ob- 
served from  Peking,”  brought  “lunar  politics”  to 
the  earth.  China  was  represented  as  a lazy  lady, 
heavy  with  excess  of  adipose,  who,  after  a 
moment’s  gaze  at  the  sky,  turns  over  upon  her 
hang  for  more  sleep,  while  across  the  sun’s  disc 
is  seen  moving  the  glorious  figure  of  the  J apanese 
Venus,  lovely  Yamato,  slim  and  lithe,  bearing  the 
sun  flag  of  victory. 

Mutsuhito  profited  by  the  popularity  gained 
by  the  Formosan  affair  so  far  as  to  take  two  steps 
further  in  national  evolution.  He  created  a high 
tribunal  of  justice,  or  ultimate  court  of  appeal, 
in  all  cases  both  civil  and  criminal.  By  estab- 
lishing, also,  the  Genroin,  or  Senate,  a body  of 
men  that  shaped  the  national  policy  and  legisla- 
tion not  only  in  1874  but  for  some  years  to  come, 
and  even  to  1912,  the  Emperor  prepared  the  way 
for  the  Upper  House  of  the  National  Legislature 
of  the  future.  Mutsuhito’s  chief  problem  was 
that  of  harnessing  new  power. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


24-9 


The  year  of  1875  was  notable  for  the  develop- 
ment of  the  press,  which  served  again  to  reveal 
how  large  was  the  amount  of  unemployed  brain 
power,  not  yet  healthily  utilized,  among  the 
Samurai.  Newspapers  sprang  up  in  every  prov- 
ince. The  editors,  being  mostly  Samurai,  were 
excessively  free  in  their  utterances,  especially  in 
their  personal  criticisms  of  high  officers  of  the 
Government.  Exchanging  the  sword  for  the 
pen,  these  doughty  knights,  as  dangerous  with  the 
feather  as  with  the  steel,  strove  to  make  the  new 
weapon  even  mightier  in  offence  than  the  older 
one.  Was  it  a new  illustration  of  Dr.  Oliver 
Wendell  Holmes’s  dictum  concerning  that  short- 
ening of  weapons  which  lengthens  boundaries? 
When  one  newspaper  published  a memorial  de- 
manding that,  besides  modifying  its  policy,  the 
Government  should  behead  the  Prime  INIinister, 
the  law  for  the  regulation  of  the  press  was  put  in 
force,  and  the  jails  were  soon  crowded. 

In  the  course  of  the  next  ten  years  hundreds 
of  editors  were  sent  to  prison.  At  times,  room 
could  not  be  found  for  the  peccant  penmen,  be- 
cause there  were  always  jaunty  warriors  willing 
to  step  into  the  places  of  those  who  were  behind 
bars.  Soon  the  supply  of  figureheads  ready  to- 
day to  stand  as  dummies  for  Government  pro- 
secution, and  to-morrow  to  board  at  the  public 
expense,  created  an  embarrassment  of  riches. 
Then  more  faithful  study  was  given  to  the 


250 


THE  MIKADO 


memorial,  which  had  been  presented  by  Verbeck, 
in  the  early  ’70s,  on  “The  Freedom  of  the  Press.” 
In  this  masterly  document  the  man  who  had  won 
the  confidence  of  the  Japanese  showed  them  the 
path,  out  of  sword  rule  and  prison  coercion,  into 
the  more  excellent  way  of  regulated  freedom. 


CHAPTER  XXV 


THE  MIKADO’S  NORTHERN  JOURNEY 

In  the  consolidation  of  his  Empire  Mutsuhito 
foimd  it  necessary  to  rectify  the  frontiers,  as  well 
as  to  define  sovereignty  over  the  outlying  north- 
ern portions.  He  sent  Enomoto  as  his  envoy 
to  the  court  of  the  Czar  to  negotiate  concerning 
Saghalien,  which  the  Japanese  and  Russians  had 
jointly  occupied.  It  resulted  that  the  sub-arctic 
island  was  given  to  Russia  to  make  into  a prison, 
while  all  the  Kurile  Islands  (the  Smokers),  of 
which  half  had  been  claimed  by  Russia,  became 
an  integral  part  of  Dai  Nippon. 

The  Bonin  (No  Man’s)  Islands,  called  Arzo- 
bispo  by  the  Spanish  voyagers  to  Manila,  visited 
by  Dutch  and  other  earlier  navigators,  and  later 
by  Parry,  Coffin,  Beech,  Perry  and  others,  and 
colonized  in  1830  by  a mixed  company  from 
Hawaii,  were  also  taken  under  the  Mikado’s 
direct  rule. 

Steadily  the  Japanese  regained  their  old  mas- 
tery of  the  seas,  for  which  they  had  been  famed 
throughout  Asia.  As  early  as  1827  a vessel  on 
the  foreign  model  had  been  built,  but  not  used. 
A steamer,  made  by  native  mechanics  taught  by 

251 


252 


THE  MIKADO 


Dutclimen,  had  been  launehed  at  Nagasaki  in 
1851,  and  in  1860  Katsu  Awa  had  navigated  a 
steamship  aeross  the  Pacific  to  San  Francisco. 
The  Daimios  had  bought  steamers  on  private  ac- 
count and  the  Government  owned  a few  steam 
war  vessels.  Mercantile  companies  were  formed 
for  the  coasting  trade.  One  of  them,  the  National 
Mail  Steamship  Company  of  Japan,  fell  to 
pieces  for  lack  of  mutual  confidence  and  common 
honesty  in  its  interior  organization.  Another 
company,  called  the  Mitsu  Bishi,  or  Three  Dia- 
monds, impressed  by  the  superior  integrity  of  its 
foreign  agents,  borrowed  their  methods  and  per- 
sonnel. Securing  the  Government  mail  contracts, 
they  also  bought  out  the  Pacific  Mail  Company, 
in  part,  securing  the  coast  trade  and  plying  to 
Shanghai,  carrying  the  Sun  Flag  farther  out  on 
the  seas.  Surveying  and  the  making  of  charts 
had  already  been  begun  in  the  Navy  Department. 

In  1873  the  postal  service  was  grandly  de- 
veloped. Hitherto  the  inland  transit  of  mail 
matter  had  been  by  means  of  the  naked  runner, 
clothed  only  in  a loin  cloth  and  head  kerchief. 
Carrying  a bamboo  pole  over  his  shoulder,  with  a 
letter  stuck  in  the  split  end,  the  postman  whizzed 
across  the  country.  The  foreign  residents  had 
their  own  postoffices,  English,  French,  and 
American.  On  Japanese  soil  these  were  an  of- 
fence to  the  Mikado  and  his  advisers.  They  could 
not  bear  the  idea  of  having  aliens  do  a work  which 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


253 


belonged  to  the  Imperial  Govermnent.  Having 
now  an  improved  postal  service,  they  aimed  at 
the  control  of  the  whole  system  within  their  boun- 
daries and  applied  first  to  the  United  States.  An 
expert,  INIr.  Samuel  W.  Bryan,  was  secured  from 
Washington.  He  helped  mightily  to  develop 
that  system  of  transit  and  administration  at  home 
and  abroad  which  is  now  one  of  the  finest  in  the 
world. 

By  degrees  the  Samurai,  or  hereditary  swords- 
men of  the  Empire,  were  absorbed  into  the  mass 
of  the  people.  Thousands  remained  in  the  army, 
almost  as  many  more  became  policemen,  and 
myriads  gained  their  rice  as  serv^ants  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. The  modem  institutions  of  the  press, 
the  medical,  engineering  and  legal  professions 
absorbed  many  more.  Almost  to  a man,  the 
Christian  workers,  teachers  and  preachers  sprang 
from  this  cultured  class,  while  hundreds  found 
employment  as  translators,  interpreters  and 
teachers,  a fact  which  accounts  for  the  highly 
intellectual  leaven  and  that  notable  spirit  of  in- 
dependence and  self-help  in  the  churches  of 
reformed  Christianity.  The  Russo-Greek  church 
was  recruited  largely  from  people  of  the  Aidzu 
and  other  northern  clans. 

The  Government,  anticipating  a recrudescence 
of  the  cry  “On  to  Korea,”  as  soon  as  the  For- 
mosan matter  was  settled  took  the  initiative,  to 
win  if  possible  a peace  victory. 


254 


THE  MIKADO 


Since  the  days  of  Taiko  there  had  been  at 
Fusan,  in  Korea,  in  a spaee  of  about  140  aeres, 
a little  settlement  of  Japanese  who  were  shut 
up  very  much  as  were  the  Dutchmen  on  Deshima, 
at  Nagasaki.  One  nobleman,  ruling  from  Tsu- 
shima, held  the  monopoly  of  Korean  trade  and 
grew  rich  at  the  business.  Musuhito  ordered  his 
resident  agent,  Moriyama,  to  secure,  if  possible, 
a treaty  with  the  Government  at  Seoul. 

Meanwhile,  in  September,  1872,  the  officers 
of  the  Unyo,  a Japanese  gunboat,  while  at  sur- 
vey work  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  leading  up  to 
Seoul,  were  mistaken,  in  their  new  costume,  for 
Europeans,  and  were  fired  upon  by  armed 
Koreans  on  Kokwa  island.  Next  day  the  Japa- 
nese marines,  only  thirty-two  in  number,  made  an 
assault,  stormed  the  fort  and,  after  the  usual  loot, 
hoisted  their  flag,  set  the  buildings  on  fire  and 
came  away. 

When  the  news  reached  Japan  the  war  party 
expected  instant  orders  of  invasion,  but  news- 
paper discussion  showed  that  public  sentiment 
was  against  such  a course.  Taking  a hint  from 
President  Fillmore,  the  Mikado  at  once  ordered 
to  Korea  a fleet  of  no  fewer  than  eight  men-of- 
war  and  transports  under  General  Kuroda.  The 
envoy,  Inouye,  borrowing  from  the  American 
Minister,  Mr.  Bingham,  a copy  of  Bayard  Tay- 
lor’s book  on  Japan,  refreshed  his  memory  as  to 
the  Yankee  Commodore’s  details.  Mr.  Mori, 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


255 


formerly  Japanese  Minister  to  Washington,  was 
sent  to  Peking  to  get,  if  possible,  China’s  good 
will.  Kuroda,  following  almost  exactly  the 
American  tactics  ordered  by  President  Fillmore 
with  Japan  in  1852 — reliance  on  force  for  show, 
but  on  tact  to  win — enlarged  his  apparent  arma- 
ment by  painting  holes  on  merchant  ships,  mak- 
ing them  look  like  men-of-war. 

With  patience  and  skill  the  Japanese  envoys 
were  entirely  successful.  A treaty  of  peace  and 
friendship,  wonderfully  like  that  which  the  Amer- 
icans made  with  the  Japanese  in  1854,  having  in 
it  even  the  extraterritorial  clause,  was  signed  on 
February  20,  and  the  squadron  returned  with 
colors  apeak.  Again  was  Mutsuhito  worthy  of 
his  name:  the  Peace  Maker. 

Anotlier  of  the  centers  of  friction  in  the  na- 
tional machinery  had  been  removed;  for  the 
Korean  question,  in  its  old  form,  was  now  as 
dead  as  the  proverbial  door  nail.  Again,  improv- 
ing the  opportunity,  the  Government  prohibited 
the  wearing  of  swords.  None  but  military,  naval 
and  police  officers,  or  gentlemen  in  Court  dress, 
could  wear  a weapon.  Permission  to  disarm  had 
become  compulsion.  The  girded  sword  being 
“the  living  soul  of  the  Samurai,”  these  gentry 
were  now  as  “soulless,”  so  far  as  fighting  tools 
were  concerned,  as  ordinary  mortals. 

To  the  proffer  of  the  olive  leaf  the  Koreans 
responded  by  sending  an  embassy,  which  proved 


256 


THE  MIKADO 


to  be  a greater  objeet  lesson  to  the  Japanese  than 
tliey  could  have  imagined.  No  embassy  like  this 
had  visited  the  capital  of  Japan  for  more  than 
230  years.  The  hermits  appeared  in  padded  and 
baggy  white  clothes,  and  with  baggage  of  an 
uninviting  appearance,  the  large  horn  rimmed 
spectacles  of  the  chief  envoy  suggesting  vast 
sapience.  Dressed  in  a robe  of  violet  colored 
crape,  and  carried  on  a chair  covered  with  a 
tiger’s  skin,  this  fine  looking  man  was  perched  on 
an  open  litter  borne  by  nine  men.  His  band  of 
musicians,  consisting  of  fourteen  players,  clothed 
in  garments  of  as  many  hues,  made  most  dis- 
tressful music,  which  caused  hilarious  laughter 
among  the  Japanese.  They  played  on  trumpets, 
flageolets,  flutes,  cymbals,  conch  shells  and  tom- 
toms. The  two  pages,  bare  headed  and  with  their 
hair  plaited  in  queue,  carried  boxes.  Their  sex 
was  a puzzle,  but  as  unmarried  young  men,  they 
were  correctly  arrayed  and  coifed  in  the  Korean 
fashion,  that  is,  exactly  like  the  pages  in  the  old 
Imperial  court  in  medieval  Kyoto.  Attendants 
bore  staves  of  office,  spears  and  flags,  and  there 
were  four  gorgeously  dressed  men,  of  evidently 
higher  rank,  with  many  followers.  All  had  on 
broad  brimmed  horsehair  hats,  ornamented  with 
peacock’s  feathers  and  tassels,  and  tied  under  the 
chin  by  strings  of  large  amber  beads.  The  pro- 
cession, though  no  doubt  intended  to  add  to  the 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


257 


dignity  of  the  embassage,  only  provoked  jokes 
and  jeers. 

These  Koreans  wre  nearly  all  tall,  good  looking 
speeimens  of  humanity,  giving  the  impression 
that  the  peninsulars  were  a fine,  large  race  of 
men,  “devoted  to  Confucianism,  dirt,  and  the 
most  distracting  music.”  Altogether  it  was  an 
elaborate  and  spectacular  anchronism,  but  it  did 
the  Japanese  good.  It  was  history’s  mirror. 

After  audience  of  the  Mikado  the  chief  envoys 
spent  some  days  examining  things  foreign  and 
native.  They  visited  various  places  and  then 
went  to  the  Strand  Palace  to  see  dakiu,  or  polo, 
played,  a game  in  vogue  in  Japan  for  several 
hundred  years  past.  On  the  present  occasion 
several  high  olficers  of  the  Cabinet  took  part.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  capital,  forgetting  their  usual 
politeness,  openly  made  merry  over  the  uncouth- 
ness and  strangeness  of  the  visitors.  In  their 
newspapers  and  comic  journals  they  were  more 
than  facetious ; they  were  grossly  insulting.  The 
Tokyo  folks  were  illustrating  their  own  proverb, 
Kiyo  ni  mo,  inaka:  “There  are  boors  even  in  the 
capital.”  The  British  editor  of  the  Japan  Mail 
was  moved  to  declare  that  “a  press  which  had  not 
yet  travelled  beyond  the  stage  on  which  we  find 
that  of  J apan  would  do  well  to  put  off  some  of 
its  own  soiled  linen  before  making  remarks  about 
its  neighbor’s  wardrobe.” 

The  Emperor  had  long  intended  to  visit  the 


258 


THE  MIKADO 


northern  and  poorer  parts  of  his  dominions,  and 
those  least  under  the  influence  of  the  capital.  His 
desire  was  to  consolidate  the  nation.  With  other 
political  ends  in  view,  the  Government  encour- 
aged the  Mikado  to  take  this  journey,  which  was 
devised  in  part  to  avoid  calling  together  the  long 
promised  National  Parliament. 

The  Imperial  progress  began  on  June  2.  All 
the  villages  and  towns  were  gaily  decorated,  and 
the  line  of  route  to  Nikko  was  crowded  with  peo- 
ple, all  eager  to  catch  a glimpse  of  their  beloved 
Emperor.  The  country  people  as  g rule  took  off 
their  shoes,  or  rather  stepped  out  of  their  clogs 
and  sandals,  and  voluntarily  prostrated  them- 
selves, as  their  sovereign  passed  by.  Like  a true 
Father  of  His  Country,  Mutsuhito  wished  that 
traffic  along  the  public  roads  should  be  inter- 
rupted as  little  as  possible.  He  made  many 
inquiries  of  each  of  the  prefects,  and  reviewed  his 
soldiers  in  each  place,  giving  money  not  only  to 
erect  memorial  shrines  to  those  slain  in  the  war 
of  1868,  but  also  to  keep  in  repair  the  tombs  of 
celebrated  scholars. 

In  the  course  of  this  journey  the  Emperor 
received  news  of  the  death  of  his  daughter,  the 
infant  Princess  Plum  Blossom  (Ume  No  Miya). 
He  sent  a message  of  condolence  “to  the  Em- 
press” and  the  party  rested  a few  days. 

This  incident  leads  us  to  look  at  the  record  of 
Mutsuhito’s  offspring.  His  first  child,  born  to 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


259 


the  Emperor  by  Madame  Hamuro  Mitsuko,  Sep- 
tember 18,  1873,  died  on  the  same  day. 

A prineess,  by  Madame  Hashimoto  Natsuko, 
born  on  November  13, 1873,  died  on  the  same  day. 
His  third  child,  by  INIadame  Yanagiwara  Aiko, 
named  Shigko  Ume  No  Miya,  was  born  Jan- 
uary 21,  1875,  and  died  on  June  8,  1876,  as  above 
stated.  The  same  Imperial  concubine  gave  birth, 
on  September  23,  1877,  to  a son,  Yukihito,  who 
was  named  heir  apparent,  but  died  July  26,  1878. 
This  same  lady  became  the  mother  of  the  third 
son  of  the  Emperor,  Yoshiliito,  born  August  31, 
1879,  who  became  heir  to  the  Throne  and  Crown 
Prince,  and  on  July  31,  1912,  Emperor  of  Japan, 
his  inauguration  being  appointed  for  November 
10,  1915. 

Five  more  daughters  were  born  to  the  Em- 
peror between  August  3,  1881,  and  November  30, 
1893,  of  whom  three  died.  Of  two  of  them 
INIadame  Shigosa  Kagako  was  the  mother. 
Madame  Sono  Yoshiko  gave  birth  to  two  sons 
and  two  daughters,  of  whom  two  daughters,  now 
married,  are  living. 

Most  of  the  localities  renowned  in  the  classics 
are  in  central  Japan.  The  Moor  of  Hasu,  one  of 
the  largest  plains  in  the  Empire,  was  one  of  the 
few  places  in  the  north  made  famous  in  poem, 
song  or  drama.  Dreadful  tales  had  long  been 
told  of  travellers  lost  in  storms,  or  led  to  grief  or 
death  through  the  malevolent  agency  of  the 


260 


THE  MIKADO 


spirits  that  dwell  in  the  fox  and  the  badger  in 
this  desolate  region.  Here  was  loeated  the  scene 
of  the  classic  comedy  or  opera  entitled  “The 
Death  Stone,”  in  which  the  spirit  of  the  Flawless 
Jewel  Maiden  (a  demon  spirit  from  India,  in 
female  form,  who  had  nearly  brought  to  death 
the  Mikado  Toba)  is  exorcised  and  “laid”  by  the 
prayers  of  the  Buddhist  priest  Genno.  Mutsuhito, 
being  familiar  with  the  opera  of  the  Death  Stone, 
richly  enjoyed  looking  upon  the  scenery  made 
classic  in  medieval  literature,  which  he  traversed 
on  the  12th. 

Most  pleasing  to  the  eye  was  the  beautiful 
plain  of  Sambongi.  The  Emperor  was  delighted 
to  learn  the  story  of  its  fertility.  The  whole  tract, 
a century  or  so  before,  was  a sandy,  barren  moor, 
sparsely  inhabited  by  poor  people  who  had  be- 
come degenerate  because  of  the  sterility  of  the 
region.  With  only  the  rudest  instruments,  a 
straw  rope  for  a surveying  chain,  and  without 
even  a spirit  level,  Tsuto  Nitobe,  aided  by  his 
father,  tunneled  two  ranges  of  mountains  and  led 
the  waters  of  a river  through  them,  a distance  of 
ten  miles.  Nature  and  man  thus  transformed  a 
desert  into  a fertile  plain. 

This  wonderful  piece  of  engineering  is  grate- 
fully commemorated,  in  two  stones  inscribed  to 
the  benefactor’s  grandfather,  the  great-grand- 
father of  Dr.  Inazo  Nitobe,  the  accomplished 
author  of  “Bushido:  the  Soul  of  Japan,”  and  lec- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


261 


turer  in  six  American  universities  in  1912.  The 
Emperor  spent  a night  in  the  Nitobe  home,  and 
leaving  a memento  of  his  favor,  desired  that  the 
family  should  continue  in  similar  lines  of  effort. 
The  oldest  son  was  already  studying  civil  en- 
gineering, and  in  consequence  of  the  wish  ex- 
pressed by  Mutsuhito  the  youngest  son,  Inazo, 
decided  to  make  agricultural  development  his 
life  work. 

During  this  year  the  college  at  Sapporo  in 
Yezo,  with  a staff  of  American  instructors,  was 
opened  for  the  training  of  a body  of  men  who 
could  develop  according  to  scientific  methods  the 
mines  and  rich  valleys  of  that  hitherto  almost 
unknown  part  of  the  Empire.  Inazo  Nitobe  en- 
tered in  the  class  of  1877.  Later  he  studied 
history  and  political  economy  at  Johns  Hopkins 
University,  writing  for  his  thesis  the  well  known 
monograph  “Intercourse  Between  the  United 
States  and  Japan.”  In  1905  he  engaged  in  the 
development  of  F ormosa. 

The  Emperor  rode  over  the  rough  northern 
roads  on  horseback,  escorted  through  each  pre- 
fecture by  its  governor,  and  always  met  by  the 
local  magistrates  on  the  borders.  As  the  Em- 
peror walked  about,  the  lower  class  of  people 
carefully  gathered  up  the  soil  on  which  the  Im- 
perial feet  had  stepped,  believing  that  earth  thus 
consecrated  would  cure  diseases. 

During  the  whole  journey  the  proprietors  of 


262 


THE  MIKADO 


the  different  hotels  kept  with  great  reverenee 
whatever  articles  His  Majesty  had  used.  In 
some  cases  these  were  stored  up  in  the  temples, 
the  priests  of  which  are  usually  the  custodians 
of  all  articles  of  interest.  These  became  the  seed 
of  educational  collections,  even  as  European 
museums  grew  up  out  of  the  curiosity  rooms  and 
reliquaries  of  monasteries. 

At  Shirakawa,  noted  for  the  breeding  of  horses, 
about  fifteen  hundred  of  the  animals  had  been 
gathered  for  the  Emperor’s  inspection,  and  the 
public  school  children,  the  boys  in  foreign  cos- 
tume and  the  girls  in  their  own  pretty  native 
dress,  welcomed  their  sovereign.  Mutsuhito  also 
visited  the  site  of  the  former  castle  of  the  Daimio, 
finding  the  interior  space  wholly  given  up  to 
agriculture,  a type  of  the  national  change  from 
feudalism  to  industrialism. 

On  the  14th  His  Majesty  in  his  carriage  passed 
through  several  towns,  along  the  main  streets  of 
which  the  children  of  the  public  schools,  dressed 
in  their  gayest  clothes,  were  waiting  to  receive 
him.  At  night  the  firemen,  turning  out  in  great 
force,  made  a demonstration  of  their  prowess  and 
skill.  At  Tsukagawa  the  great  September  horse 
fair  was  held  earlier  this  year,  for  the  Imperial 
delectation.  Of  the  six  hundred  or  more  animals 
gathered  together,  most  were  sold  by  auction  in 
presence  of  the  Mikado,  who  enjoyed  the  spirited 
competition  of  the  horse  dealers.  On  the  16th 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


26S 


His  Majesty  crossed  a plain  which  had  recently 
been  waste  land,  hut  which  now,  reclaimed, 
brought  forth  good  crops.  The  Emperor  sum- 
moned to  his  presence  several  farmers  and  told 
them  how  happy  he  was  to  see  such  improvement. 

On  the  1 7th  at  Nihon-Matsu  the  Emperor 
visited  the  silk  reeling  establishment,  learning  the 
process  and  leaving  a present  of  fifty  yen  for  the 
workmen  employed  there.  The  old  castle  area, 
now  wholly  given  up  to  this  industry,  furnished 
a striking  proof  that  the  age  of  war,  of  feudalism 
and  of  division  was  over  and  that  the  era  of  peace, 
industry  and  national  unity  had  come. 

In  Fukushima  the  Emperor  took  up  his  quar- 
ters at  the  college  to  remain  until  the  22nd.  The 
ruler  of  all  Japan,  true  Father  of  His  People, 
asked  some  searching  questions  of  the  prefects  of 
three  ken.  On  the  2Ist  the  silver  mines  of  Handa 
were  visited  and  the  workings  on  the  foreign 
method  examined. 

The  most  famous  city  of  northern  Japan,  and 
now  a centre  of  Christian  education,  Sendai,  was 
reached  on  the  24th,  the  troops  in  garrison  being 
drawn  up  to  receive  their  sovereign.  Here  the 
visits  and  receptions  consumed  several  days.  The 
Emperor  looked  upon  the  relics  of  Date  Masa- 
mune,  lord  of  Sendai  (1566-1636),  who  had  once 
sent  his  retainer  Hashikura  (1561-1622)  and  an 
embassy  to  Europe,  by  way  of  Mexico,  to  inquire 
into  Western  civilization  and  religion.  The  en- 


264 


THE  MIKADO 


voy,  baptized  in  the  Christian  faith  at  Madrid, 
under  Philip  III.  was  absent  eight  years,  his 
portrait  being  there  painted  as  a European  monk. 
These  most  interesting  memorials  are  now  in  the 
museum  in  Tokyo.  The  Emperor  received  an 
address  of  welcome  from  the  members  of  the 
Gi'eek  Church,  which  he  accepted  graciously.  It 
was  from  this  city  that  in  June,  1905,  the  people, 
heartily  appreciative  of  the  educational  influence 
of  the  American  missionaries,  sent  an  ancient 
sword  and  other  presents  to  President  Roosevelt. 

The  last  part  of  the  journey  had  to  be  made 
on  horseback  or  in  norimono,  because  the 
wretched  apologies  for  roads  would  not  then 
admit  of  carriages.  His  Majesty  looked  with 
interest  upon  the  ancient  temple  of  Chuzenji  and 
its  relics.  Despite  the  rains,  he  kept  on  to  Mo- 
rioka,  which  he  left  on  the  7th  of  July,  riding 
through  a barren  and  uninhabited  country.  At 
Awomori  he  witnessed  the  horse  races. 

On  the  16th  of  July  the  Imperial  party  crossed 
over  the  Straits  of  Tsugaru,  spending  several 
days  at  Hakodate,  whence  His  Majesty  and  at- 
tendants embarked  on  a man-of-war,  the  Meiji 
Mam,  for  Tokyo,  arriving  at  Yokohama  July  20. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 


THE  NEW  MIKADOISM  TESTED 

Having  looked  upon  his  native  land  from  one 
end  to  the  other,  Mutsuhito  felt  that  his  hand  was 
now  powerful  enough  to  signalize  his  mastery  of 
the  whole  situation  by  two  bold  strokes  of  power. 
His  one  aim  was  to  unify  the  nation  by  curtailing 
privilege  above  and  uplifting  the  masses  from 
below.  On  August  5 he  issued  the  decree  extin- 
guishing the  hereditary  pensions  and  life  incomes 
of  the  Samurai.  Sixteen  days  afterward  he  or- 
dered a reduction  in  the  number  of  prefectures 
from  sixty-eight  to  thirty-five,  thus  diminishing 
the  army  of  salaried  servants  of  the  Government 
by  one-half. 

In  old  Japan,  virtually  the  land  of  a single  tax, 
almost  the  only  people  regularly  forced  to  pay 
the  expenses  of  the  Government  were  the  farm- 
ers. Even  under  the  new  regime  three-fourths  of 
the  total  national  revenue  was  drawn  from  the 
land  tax.  A reduction  from  three  to  two  and  a 
half  per  cent,  meant  a loss  to  the  treasury  of 
$8,000,000.  This  loss  was  to  be  made  good 
through  economy  in  administration,  by  lessening 
to  a minimum  both  the  number  of  Government 


265 


26G 


THE  MIKADO 


functionaries  and  their  salaries.  This  relief  of  the 
agricultural  classes,  who  aggregate  three-fourths 
of  the  people,  was  a truly  national  blessing,  mean- 
ing grief  to  a few  thousands  and  joy  to  many 
millions.  The  measure,  executed  about  Christ- 
mas, 1876,  was  destined  in  the  long  run  to  benefit 
the  whole  population  and  bring  nearer  that  happy 
time  when  the  Imperial  prerogative  should  be 
“broad  based  upon  the  people’s  will.” 

These  reforms,  actual  and  prospective,  were 
not  to  be  accomplished  without  protest  and  blood- 
shed ; and  the  severest  test  of  the  new  system  was 
yet  to  come.  Japan  had  no  representative  system, 
nor  a free  press.  Hence  the  old  possessors  of 
hereditary  privileges  could  not  at  once  compre- 
hend what  was  going  on.  Not  a few  of  them 
thought  that  the  Emperor  was  virtually  a pris- 
oner in  the  Tokyo  Castle,  the  tool  of  a few  de- 
signing and  selfish  men.  To  see  the  Divine 
Country  defiled  by  aliens,  the  grand  old  institu- 
tions decaying,  and  the  ancient  landmarks  of  their 
faith  swept  away,  their  swords  put  under  ban, 
Christianity  tolerated  and  democracy  in  pros- 
pect, was  too  much.  To  give  expression  to  their 
convictions  that  their  Mikado  was  held  in  bond- 
age by  bad  counsellors  they  formed  clubs,  named 
after  the  Divine  Breath,  that  six  centuries  before 
had  swept  away  the  Mongol  barbarians.  They 
raised  the  cry,  “Drive  the  foreigners  into  the  sea.” 
Yet  their  only  idea  of  reform  was  to  “reverence 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


267 


the  Mikado” — by  having  their  own  way.  They 
determined  to  assassinate  the  Tokyo  offiee-hold- 
ers,  get  hold  of  the  sacred  person,  and  then  issue 
laws  or  reactionary  edicts  in  his  name. 

So,  after  long  brooding  over  fancied  wrongs, 
these  men  donned  helmets  and  armor,  drew  their 
swords  and  rushed  like  bulls  at  a locomotive  ad- 
vancing under  full  head  of  steam  on  well  laid 
rails.  The  interesting  collision  was  soon  an  event 
in  history. 

The  results  could  have  been  easily  foretold, 
when  in  October,  1876,  at  Kumamoto  the  reac- 
tionaries rose  and  attacked  the  Imperial  garrison, 
for  the  day  of  telegraphs,  steam,  electricity,  re- 
peating rifles  and  modern  cannon  had  come. 
Japan  was  a body  politic,  with  a new  nervous 
system.  No  men  encased  in  the  old  shells  of 
civilization,  however  brave,  could  compete  with 
equally  valorous  men  equipped  with  new  forces 
and  weapons.  By  Christmas  day  everything  was 
quiet  and  the  rebellion  annihilated.  The  after- 
math  was  seen  in  hundreds  of  cases  of  hara-kiri, 
or  decapitation,  exile  and  degradation. 

The  last  days  of  1876  were  marked  by  intense 
activity  on  the  part  of  the  Emperor,  who  met  his 
councillors  almost  daily  in  the  Senate  (Genroin) , 
devising  methods  of  reform  for  the  rebuilding  of 
the  nation.  After  the  usual  autumnal  crop  of 
rustic  uprisings  had  been  reaped,  a cloud  was 
noticed  rising  in  the  southwest.  The  sullen  and 


268 


THE  MIKADO 


reactionary  clansmen  of  Satsuma,  the  one  portion 
of  the  Empire  unassimilated  to  the  life  of  pro- 
gressive Japan,  were  preparing  to  defy  the  au- 
thority of  the  central  Government.  In  old  times 
this  clan  had  been  able  to  overawe  and  terrify 
the  Yedo  authorities.  Now  there  were  many 
ominous  signs  that  the  Satsuma  men  imagined 
themselves  able  to  do  the  same  thing  with  the  new 
Government.  Under  the  direction  of  the  elder 
Saigo  the  young  men  of  the  province  were,  al- 
most in  a body,  in  attendance  upon  the  private 
schools  and  under  daily  military  drill.  Mutsuhito 
ordered  the  powder  from  the  mills  near  the  city 
of  Kagoshima  to  be  removed,  and  for  this  pur- 
pose one  of  the  national  vessels  was  sent  thither. 
Meanwhile  the  Emperor  and  his  chief  counsellors 
went  to  Kobe  to  attend  the  opening  of  the  new 
railway  to  Kyoto. 

Hardly  had  the  Imperial  party  arrived  when 
the  news  came  that  the  removal  of  the  powder 
had  been  resisted  and  on  January  29  the  Satsuma 
clansmen  had  broken  into  the  arsenal,  removed 
the  arms  and  ammunition  and  had  even  tried  to 
stop  the  transport  steamer. 

Power  of  secrecy  is  the  Japanese  armor  of 
proof.  Grave  as  was  this  piece  of  news,  the 
Ministers  decided  not  to  postpone  the  opening 
of  the  railway  or  to  make  public  the  news.  After 
the  ceremonies  and  gaiety  Admiral  Kawamura 
was  sent  in  the  Mikado’s  steam  yacht,  the  fastest 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


269 


vessel  of  the  navy,  to  conciliate,  if  possible,  Saigo 
and  his  fellow  clansmen,  but  upon  his  arrival  at 
Kagoshima  on  the  9th,  the  Admiral  found  the 
whole  body  of  Samurai  armed  and  in  revolt.  A 
vile  report,  that  the  Tokyo  Government  had 
planned  to  assassinate  Saigo,  had  acted  like  a 
spark  upon  gunpowder.  Skilfully  avoiding  a con- 
flict, which  might  have  made  impossible  any  hope 
of  peace,  Kawamura,  after  interviews  with  the 
city  governor,  steamed  out  of  the  bay  and  tele- 
graphed from  the  nearest  station  the  startling 
facts. 

All  doubt  as  to  whether  Saigo,  the  military 
leader  and  hero  of  the  Restoration,  was  person- 
ally concerned  with  the  uprising  was  soon  dis- 
solved. He  had  organized  his  followers  into 
companies  and  regiments  and  was  marching  to 
attack  Kumamoto  Castle.  The  garrison  at  this 
place  was  under  command  of  Colonel  Tani,  and 
Oyama,  destined  to  be  Field  Marshal  in  Man- 
churia, was  a lieutenant  under  him.  Saigo  and 
his  generals,  dressed  in  the  uniforms  they  had 
worn  in  the  Imperial  army,  professed  to  be  loyal 
to  the  Emperor,  Saigo  acting  as  the  Mikado’s 
commander-in-chief  of  the  land  forces,  with  the 
view  of  going  to  Tokyo  “on  a peaceful  and  lawful 
errand.”  In  its  nature  this  was  exactly  that  of 
Keiki,  who  set  out  from  Osaka  in  1868  to  reenter 
Kyoto  in  force,  to  “drive  out  the  bad  counsellors 
of  the  young  Emperor.”  Appearing  before  the 


270 


THE  MIKADO 


Kumamoto  Castle,  Saigo  began  a siege  lasting 
fifty-five  days. 

As  Mutsiihito  saw  the  situation,  it  was  this: 
The  ablest  military  genius  in  Japan  was  at  the 
head  of  a host  of  brave  men,  all  passionately  loyal 
fellow  elansmen  and  many  of  them  veterans,  well 
drilled,  equipped  and  disciplined,  with  artillery. 
With  thousands  of  others,  all  over  the  Empire, 
they  were  devoted  to  the  ideas  of  the  old  school 
and  ready  to  follow  their  leader  to  the  death.  In 
their  minds  Saigo  was  the  shining  exponent  of 
the  ancient  virtues  of  Bushido. 

On  the  other  hand  was  a new  and  untried  army 
of  raw  troops,  composed  largely  of  peasant  lads. 
These,  like  their  ancestors,  peaceful  laborers  dur- 
ing centuries,  had  been  overawed  by  the  sword- 
hearing gentry,  who  looked  down  with  supreme 
contempt  upon  them  as  inferiors.  It  was  now  to 
he  seen  whether  the  spirit  of  unconquerable  Japan 
belonged  to  the  nation  at  large  or  was  only  the 
prerogative  of  the  gentry. 

The  Mikado  at  once  proclaimed  martial  law 
in  Kiushiu,  ordered  his  ships  to  blockade  the 
ports,  despatched  the  flower  of  the  new  national 
army  southward,  armed  the  municipal  police, 
raised  fresh  levies  of  conscripts,  put  Prince 
Arisugawa  again  in  supreme  command  and  sent 
Generals  Yamagata  (afterward  Field  Marshal 
in  China)  and  Kawaji,  the  oni  or  “demon”  (who 
allowed  the  massacre  at  Port  Arthur  in  1895)  in 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


271 


command  of  two  divisions  to  inclose  the  rebels  in 
a cordon.  In  July  Tsukumichi  Saigo,  younger 
brother  of  the  arch  rebel,  but  loyal  to  the  Mikado, 
took  the  field.  Nogi,  later  hero  of  Port  Arthur, 
was  aetive.  The  loss  of  his  regimental  standard 
in  battle  was  mourned  over  by  him  during  thirty- 
five  years,  and  was  in  1912  given  by  him  as  the 
fundamental  reason  for  his  eommitting  suicide. 

The  uprising  soon  took  in  nearly  all  Kiushiu, 
and  an  exceedingly  bloody  eivil  war  began.  Al- 
though Saigo’s  men  were  armed  with  modern 
rifles,  they  clung  with  fanatical  affection  to  their 
aneestral  weapon,  the  two  handed  sword,  and  in 
most  of  the  battles  they  preferred  the  old  style 
of  fighting.  Their  favorite  method  of  attaek  was 
much  like  that  of  the  Highlanders  with  their 
claymores,  at  Culloden.  Their  idea  was  to  neu- 
tralize the  rifle  ball,  to  dash  aside  the  bayonet 
thrust  with  a shield,  and  then  to  ply  their  double- 
handed  swords  when  they  had  broken  up  the 
ranks  of  the  foe.  Instead,  however,  of  “brazen 
studs  and  tough  bull  hide,”  each  Satsuma  swords- 
man, utilizing  his  girdle,  bound  together  two  of 
the  thiek  tatami,  or  rice  straw  mats,  with  which 
every  Japanese  house  floor  is  eovered.  Holding 
before  them  in  their  left  hand  these  light,  double 
cushions  of  thickly  braided  straw,  five,  six  or  eight 
inehes  thick,  they  rushed  against  the  enemy,  often 
with  terrific  effect,  as  the  awful  sword  wounds  on 
the  new  peasant  soldiers  showed.  Many  a time 


m 


THE  MIKADO 


they  thus  worsted  the  Imperial  infantry.  Even 
the  women  performed  prodigies  of  valor.  Soon 
the  list  of  easualties  on  the  royal  side  numbered 
over  six  thousand.  The  Government  was  obliged 
to  call  to  its  service,  at  high  wages,  from  Aidzu 
and  other  quarters,  the  expert  fencers  and 
veteran  clansmen,  who  had  old  scores  to  settle 
with  Satsuma.  Then  the  duels  with  cold  steel 
went  on  to  sure  decision  of  the  issue. 

What  was  thought  at  the  time  to  be  the  con- 
cluding battle  was  fought  on  August  16,  in  an  old 
natural  stronghold  at  Nobeoka,  wlien  victory 
perched  on  the  Mikado’s  brocade  banner.  It  was 
supposed  that  peace  nad  come,  and  most  of  the 
Imperial  troops  were  withdrawn.  The  next  piece 
of  news  was  that  the  Satsuma  leaders,  escaping 
into  Hiuga  and  dashing  out  again,  on  September 
2,  had  seized  Kagoshima,  holding  it  for  two 
weeks. 

When  driven  out  of  the  city  they  were  sur- 
rounded, at  Nobeoka,  on  September  24,  by  15,000 
Imperialists,  who  fired  at  long  range  so  that  not 
one  of  the  Mikado’s  soldiers  was  injured.  About 
four  hundred  proud  upholders  of  the  lost  cause, 
armed  only  with  their  blades  and  surrounded  by  a 
wall  of  fire,  were  all  slain,  or  committed  hara-kiri. 
It  is  believed  that  Saigo,  refusing  to  surrender 
or  be  taken  prisoner,  sought  the  extermination  of 
liis  band  in  order  to  die  by  opening  his  bowels  in 
the  ancient  manner. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


273 


Brave  as  he  was,  Saigo  and  his  leaders  were  un- 
regenerate Bushi  and  to  him  Bushido  meant  the 
irreformable  and  ferocious  traditions  of  insular 
feudalism.  He  could  not  come  into  the  new 
world  of  ideas.  He  had  led  more  than  forty 
thousand  men  to  battle,  of  whom  morte  than 
11,000  were  killed  or  wounded.  On  the  other  side 
was  an  equal  number  of  dead  or  maimed  men, 
the  majority  of  wounds  being  from  sword  cuts. 

It  was  clear  that  the  spirit  animating  the  Sa- 
murai had  descended  upon  the  hei-min  or  com- 
moners. The  army,  recruited  from  the  plain 
people,  had  shown  itself  in  heroism  second  to 
none  in  Japan’s  history,  and  was  unconsciously 
rehearsing  for  the  Chinese  continental  war  of 
1894,  which  was  to  annihilate  the  drilled  soldiers 
of  China  and  astonish  the  world.  The  prelude 
to  the  humbling  of  Russia  was  in  Kiushiu  in  1877, 
a training  school  for  1904. 

The  new  age  had  come,  and  with  it  new  ideas. 
In  the  Emperor’s  gracious  clemency,  only  twenty 
persons  were  beheaded,  and  these  for  special 
crimes.  Out  of  over  38,000  persons  tried,  more 
than  35,000  were  pardoned.  There  were  fines, 
degradations  and  sentences  of  imprisonment  with 
hard  labor  for  fewer  than  2,000,  while  nearly  300 
were  acquitted. 

Mutsuhito  and  his  Ministers  decided  that,  ex- 
cept the  religious  and  memorial  celebrations,  there 
should  be  no  public  demonstrations  in  the  capital 


274. 


THE  MIKADO 


nor  any  sign  of  triumph  or  exultation.  Accord- 
ingly, without  any  notice  of  their  arrival,  with  no 
pageantry  or  decoration,  the  victorious  regiments 
marched  quietly  to  their  barracks.  Yet  intensely 
eloquent  and  dramatic,  in  its  very  silence,  was  the 
appearance  of  these  peasant  soldiers  with  their 
bayonets  nicked,  bent  or  broken,  showing  how 
these  had  crossed  with  the  swords  of  Samurai  in 
deadly  combat  and  had  won.  To  the  commander- 
in-chief  and  the  generals  decorations  of  jewels 
were  awarded,  and  the  ceremonies  of  Sho- 
Jwn  (greeting  the  spirits),  memorial  services 
in  honor  of  the  loyal  slain,  were  appointed  for 
November  14. 

The  total  number  of  national  troops  employed 
in  suppressing  the  Satsuma  uprising  was  over 
65,000,  including  7,000  police  and  four  battalions 
of  artillery,  with  forty-eight  guns;  but  not  over 
40,000  were  at  any  one  time  in  Kiushiu.  The 
utmost  strength  of  Saigo,  at  any  one  time,  never 
exceeded  22,000  men.  Peculiar  to  the  Japanese 
is  the  general  employment  of  laborers  to  assist  the 
soliders  and  do  much  work  which  in  other  armies 
is  done  by  the  fighting  men  themselves.  As  the 
War  Department  paid  for  12,856,700  days  work 
of  laborers,  there  must  have  been  50,000  laborers 
occupied  daily  during  the  period  of  the  rebellion. 
Seventeen  men-of-war,  with  fifty-eight  guns  and 
1,500  men,  were  constantly  employed  in  the  duties 
of  blockade,  transport  or  bombardment. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


275 


The  loss  in  the  national  army  was  6,399  killed 
and  10,523  wounded;  and  of  the  rebels  7,000 
killed  and  11,000  wounded,  many  of  whom  died 
of  their  wounds.  From  these  causes,  together 
with  disease,  exposure  and  injury,  probably  not 
fewer  than  50,000  natives  lost  their  lives  on  ac- 
count of  this  rebellion.  Perhaps  as  many  houses, 
of  an  average  value  of  $40,  were  destroyed.  The 
cost  of  vindicating  the  national  authority  was  at 
least  $50,000,000. 

Besides  nature’s  “oblivion  of  flowers,”  trade 
and  industry  do  their  part  in  mantling  old  scenes 
of  wrath  with  new  associations  of  brotherhood. 
The  National  Industrial  Exposition,  in  the 
grounds  and  on  the  old  battle  field  of  Uyeno,  in 
Tokyo  from  August  21  to  November  30,  1877, 
and  in  every  way  successful,  ministered  to  peace 
and  national  unity.  In  1914,  on  the  same  site,  an 
exhibition  celebrating  the  accession  of  the  new 
Mikado  and  the  era  of  Tai-Sho,  or  Great  Right- 
eousness, was  held. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 


POLITICAL  STRUGGLE  AND  EVOLUTION 

A decade  of  the  new  order  of  things  had  passed 
when  the  year  1877  ended.  A Government  made 
up  of  an  irresponsible  Ministry  stood  between  the 
Emperor  and  the  people.  Intelligent  young  men 
out  of  office  were  making  great  strides  in  political 
knowledge.  Hundreds  of  them,  educated  in  the 
United  States,  the  greatest  school  of  self  govern- 
ment in  the  world,  by  their  writings,  lectures, 
translations  and  public  addresses  were  making 
the  people  all  over  the  country  familiar  not  only 
with  the  right  ideas  of  government  but  with  the 
unpleasant  fact  that  the  Emperor  had  not  yet 
fulfilled  his  promise  of  1868,  to  form  a representa- 
tive National  Assembly.  They  kept  on  agitating 
this  one  subject  in  the  newspapers  and  sent  up 
frequent  memorials  to  the  Imperial  Ministers. 

An  old  oracle  in  the  Island  of  the  Four  Prov- 
inces declared  that  “liberty  shall  yet  flow  out  of 
the  mountains  of  Tosa,”  and  the  Tosa  men,  led  by 
Itagaki,  were  particularly  active  in  political  dis- 
cussion. By  the  year  1877  they  had  become  a 
distinctly  formed  political  party,  with  a frankly 
expressed  ideal  of  government  in  Japan,  that  of 

276 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


277 


the  English  people.  Although  opposed  to  the  ir- 
responsible Ministry  in  Tokyo,  Itagaki,  their 
leader,  refused  all  recourse  to  arms,  believing  only 
in  peaceable  means.  In  July,  1877,  he  sent  a 
most  elaborate  memorial  to  the  Mikado,  showing 
why  the  Imperial  oath  of  1868  should  be  made 
good.  Eight  of  the  nine  reasons  were  direct  im- 
peachments of  the  Government. 

Occupied  with  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion 
in  the  southwestern  provinces,  the  Ministers  could 
pay  little  attention  to  this  memorial  at  the  time, 
but  soon,  according  to  the  time  honored  prece- 
dent, the  sword,  that  “lightning  flash  in  the  dark- 
ness,” revealed  to  the  Ministerial  mind  the  crisis 
of  danger.  Assassination,  as  usual  in  Old  Japan, 
ushered  in  a new  era.  Bushido,  the  Knightly 
Code,  was  to  be  again  exemplifled  in  vengeance 
and  mutual  martyrdom. 

Okubo,  the  victim  selected,  and  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  and  handsome  men  in  the  group  nearest 
the  Emperor,  was  the  typical  statesman  of  the 
New  Japan.  He  saw  what  was  needed  to  lift 
his  country  out  of  feudalism  and  to  make  the 
nation  the  equal  of  any  in  the  world.  His  very 
eagerness  to  fulfil  a noble  purpose  blinded  him 
to  the  dangers  inherent  in  a centralized  form  of 
government,  which  he  and  like  minded  men  be- 
lieved to  be  of  the  first  necessity. 

The  protestants  in  Satsuma,  Tosa  and  Kaga 
looked  upon  him,  however,  as  an  enemy  to  public 


278 


THE  MIKADO 


discussion  and  popular  rights.  They  murdered 
him  on  the  morning  of  May  14,  1878,  as  the  car- 
riage of  the  Minister  drew  near  the  Imperial 
Palace.  With  his  head  cloven,  one  hand  severed 
and  the  body  cut  and  stabbed  in  many  places, 
lying  near  the  reddened  swords  used  by  the  six 
assassins,  the  corpse  of  Okubo  was  found  by  his 
friend.  General  T.  Saigo.  The  unquailing  ex- 
ponents of  egotism  and  of  Bushido  had  vol- 
untarily surrendered  themselves,  a few  minutes 
before,  to  the  guard  at  the  gate  of  the  Imperial 
Palace,  calmly  acknowledging  what  they  had 
done.  Faithful,  in  every  jot  and  tittle,  to  the  old 
orthodoxy  of  feudalism,  each  man  carried  on  his 
body  a writing  in  vindication  of  his  motive  and 
purpose. 

Mutsuhito  never  showed  more  clearly  his  true 
spirit,  his  invincible  purpose  and  his  own  high 
personal  appreciation  of  Okubo  than  by  at  once 
conferring  upon  his  dead  servant  the  highest 
rank,  elevating  the  sons  of  Okubo  to  the  nobility, 
and  ordering  a fimeral  of  imposing  splendor, 
which  eclipsed,  perhaps,  anything  of  the  kind 
ever  seen  in  the  great  city. 

Yet  this  was  not  all.  The  Emperor  heeded  the 
irrepressible  expressions  of  public  opinion  that 
were  manifest  on  every  side,  and  on  July  22 
ordered  that  provincial  parliaments,  or  assem- 
blies should  be  organized  in  each  prefecture. 
These  were  to  be  schools  of  local  government  to 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


279 


prepare  the  nation  for  the  still  more  august  Diet 
that  must,  with  the  Mikado,  direct  the  policy  of 
Japan. 

It  is  hardly  possible  to-day,  after  so  many 
years  of  peaceful  constitutional  government,  to 
realize  the  excitement  of  the  twenty-one  years  of 
political  agitation  that  lay  between  the  promise 
given  in  the  Imperial  Charter  Oath  of  1868  and 
its  complete  fulfilment  in  the  Constitution  of 
1889. 

Two  lines  of  thought  in  the  evolution  of  mod- 
ern Japanese  politics  as  expressed  in  parties  are 
discernible,  the  missionary,  or  Anglo-Saxon 
party,  and  the  Shinto,  or  Prussian  party. 

On  the  one  side  we  see  such  men  as  Okuma, 
Soyeshima,  Itagaki,  Shimada,  and  hosts  of  others, 
their  successors,  whose  purpose  is  not  only  politi- 
cal but  ethical.  True  representatives  of  the  com- 
monwealth and  the  people,  they  are  liberal  in 
politics  but  conservative  in  social  matters.  They 
uphold  personal  and  public  morality.  They  be- 
lieve in  a written  Constitution,  which  makes  the 
Ministers  responsible  to  the  Diet,  and  not  to  the 
sovereign.  Educated  in  the  historical  documents 
and  writings  of  English  and  American  publicists, 
they  admire  the  constructive  men  of  action  and 
wisdom  in  these  countries.  Trained  in  the  art  of 
conference  and  of  assembling  for  the  public 
good,  they  believe  in  making  sovereignty  reside 
not  in  the  Throne  but  in  the  people,  when  rightly 


280 


THE  MIKADO 


educated  and  controlled.  The  best  things  to 
borrow  from  the  Occident,  they  consider,  are 
high  ethical  standards.  The  most  valuable  things 
to  conserve  in  the  native  civilization  are  the  old 
ideals,  transfigured  and  adapted  to  the  new  age. 

The  Shinto  or  Prussian  party  is  based  on  the 
idea  that  all  sovereignty  resides  in  the  Emperor; 
that  the  Constitution  is  his  own  gift  to  the  nation ; 
that  the  Ministers  must  always  be  responsible  to 
the  sovereign  and  not  to  the  Diet ; that  the  Upper 
House  must  be  the  Emperor’s  creation  and  al- 
ways his  support,  that  the  greater  part  of  the 
Constitution  must  he  rigid  and  unamendable; 
that  there  must  be  great  orders  and  dignities  con- 
ferred by  the  Emperor  and  that  everything  must 
centre  in  him;  that  parties  have  nothing  to  do 
with  the  policy  of  the  Government;  that  even  in 
the  Lower  House,  as  well  as  in  the  Upper,  legis- 
lators are  simply  advisers,  and  the  chief  Minis- 
ter of  the  Imperial  will  is  the  Chancellor,  who  has 
subordinates  but  no  associate;  while,  all  through 
the  body  politic,  the  governors  and  the  deliberate 
gatherings  are  to  follow  out  the  example  of  the 
upper  personnel  of  the  Empire.  In  their  strict- 
est view,  there  is  no  State  of  Japan  apart  from 
the  Imperial  family. 

The  real  fathers  of  Japan’s  political  parties 
were  Nakamura  and  Fukuzawa,  both  of  whom  I 
knew  well.  In  both  body  and  mind,  even  in 
feudal  days,  they  had  visited  Occidental  coun- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


281 


tries.  The  teachings  of  the  one  were  ethical,  and 
socially  conservative;  those  of  the  other  were 
economic  and  materialistic. 

Exactly  what  the  official  rhetoric  concerning 
the  gift  of  the  Constitution  as  solely  an  act  of 
Imperial  grace  may  mean,  one  may  judge  from 
a glance  at  chronology.  The  text  of  the  instru- 
ment is  of  Imperial  origin. 

1868.  The  promise,  with  an  oath,  that  “public 
matters  shall  be  decided  by  public  assembly.” 

1873.  Petition  of  Itagaki  and  others  that  the 
Emperor  should  keep  his  promise. 

1875.  Establishment  of  the  Supreme  Court 
and  local  assemblies. 

1879.  The  Jiyuto,  or  Liberty  Party,  or- 
ganized. 

1880.  Urgent  petitions  from  tens  of  thous- 
ands of  people  for  the  establishment  of  a Parlia- 
ment. (Two  of  the  agitating  leaders  afterward 
thrown  into  prison.) 

1881.  Reorganization  of  the  Liberals.  Meet- 
ing in  secret,  because  of  police  opposition,  they 
resolved  “to  labor  for  the  overthrow  of  despotism 
and  the  establishment  of  civil  liberty,  to  part 
with  property,  nay  even  with  wife  and  children, 
and  to  face  death  itself  for  the  accomplishment  of 
this  object;  and  whatever  be  the  cost,  never  to 
dissolve  . . . till  this  purpose  be  obtained.” 
Ninety-eight  representatives  from  thirty-nine 
provinces  took  the  oath. 


282 


THE  MIKADO 


1882.  The  Government’s  repressive  measures 
were  condemned  by  the  judgment  of  the  Su- 
preme Court,  and  the  cause  of  popular  liberty 
triumphed. 

1887.  The  Imperial  Rescript,  or  Peace  Pres- 
ervation Regidations,  at  which  we  shall  now 
glance  more  fully. 

In  1881,  when  the  Jiyuto,  or  Liberty  Party 
was  formed,  the  very  name  startled  some  of  the 
men  in  office  and  power.  “The  term  liberty, 
which  is  wholly  absent  from  the  literature  of 
China  and  Japan,”  thus  coined  and  put  to  a 
political  purpose,  might  bode  no  good  to  despot- 
ism, or  even  to  those  who  in  office  felt  themselves 
masters  instead  of  being  true  servants.  When, 
in  the  Court  of  Appeals,  in  Sendai  a lawless 
governor,  secretly  upheld  by  the  Tokyo  states- 
men in  power,  was  arraigned  for  malfeasance  in 
office,  a young  lawyer  represented  and  defended 
six  members  of  the  Jiyuto  party,  exposing  before 
the  court  the  illegal  acts  of  the  Government.  For 
this  duty  to  his  country,  he  was  thrown  into 
prison.  Against  such  shameless  action  men  high 
in  office  protested  as  sheer  injustice.  The  six 
men  of  the  Jiyuto  party  were  hurriedly  tried, 
convicted  and  sentenced  to  fifteen  years  impris- 
onment. They  appealed  to  the  Supreme  Court. 
Mr.  Hoshi  Toru  pleaded  their  case  and  they  were 
released  amid  joyful  popular  demonstration. 
The  Tokyo  bureaucracy  had  been  beaten  in  a 
trial  at  law. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


283 


This  was  one  of  the  rather  too  many  instances 
in  which  Mikadoism,  by  the  folly  of  its  upholders, 
has  been  made  reactionary,  almost  to  the  point 
of  Czarism  and  has  been  an  obstacle  to  freedom. 
All  the  good  fruits  of  the  Restoration,  at  one  time, 
seemed  wrested  away  by  bureaucracy.  Because 
they  were  appointees  of  the  Emperor,  governors 
of  provinces  often  abused  their  office  and  au- 
thority, oppressed  the  people  and  humbled 
their  political  opponents.  Most  vicious  of  all 
their  machinations  was  their  well  concealed  pur- 
pose to  force  or  inveigle  their  critics  into  acts  of 
treason.  Against  this  the  people  and  all  lovers 
of  freedom  under  law  protested  fearlessly.  Even 
the  overworked  police  and  prisons  did  not  deter 
them.  The  culmination  of  Ministerial  arrogance 
was  reached  in  the  so-called  “Peace  Preservation 
Regulations,”  promulgated  December  25,  1887. 
In  this  virtual  proclamation  of  martial  law  in 
Tokyo  not  only  were  all  secret  assemblages  for- 
bidden but  the  police  were  empowered,  without 
reference  to  higher  authority,  to  put  a stop  to 
open  air  meetings,  and  even  to  remove  from 
within  a radius  of  three  ri  (ten  miles)  from  the 
palace  any  one  “judged  to  be  scheming  some- 
thing detrimental  to  the  public  peace” ; the  police, 
secretly  instructed  by  the  Ministers  in  power,  to 
be  the  judges. 

In  the  execution  of  this  order,  which  was  more 
military  than  civil,  about  three  hundred  persons 


284> 


THE  MIKADO 


were  deported.  Some  of  these  were  undoubtedly 
dangerous  characters,  or  silly  young  persons  who 
made  themselves  a nuisance ; but  many  were 
among  the  ablest  men  of  Japan,  irreproachable 
in  character,  though  differing  in  political  opin- 
ions from  the  Ministers  in  power.  They  de- 
clined to  leave  Tokyo,  and  demanded  to  know 
what  crime  they  had  been  guilty  of  or  were 
charged  with.  Refused  even  an  answer,  they 
were  sent  to  prison.  This  highhanded  action 
filled  the  jails  with  men  whose  faces  were  set 
towards  the  goal  of  freedom. 

When  the  Imperial  Diet  assembled  under  the 
Constitution,  in  December,  1890,  almost  every 
one  of  the  jail  birds  of  ability  was  summoned  to 
a seat  in  the  Diet,  and  two  of  them  became  Speak- 
ers of  the  House  of  Representatives.  The  des- 
potic measures  of  1887  had  their  nemesis  in  the 
poor  success  of  the  first  year  of  Japan’s  parlia- 
mentary experiment. 

These  men,  true  Samurai,  ready  to  serve  and 
to  suffer,  are  far  more  worthy  of  being  called 
Yushisha  or  giri  (righteous  men)  than  the  sui- 
cides and  murderous  assassins  so  long  glorified 
hy  the  Japanese.  They  must  be  reckoned  in 
equal  honor  with  the  “Elder  Statesmen”  in 
power.  The  three  great  liberties,  of  speech, 
press  and  assembly,  were  gained  by  them.  No 
Togo,  or  Oyama,  or  army  or  navy  won  greater 
victories  than  they.  They  made  possible,  as 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


285 


surely  as  the  men  in  office,  the  power  of  the 
nation  in  its  wars  and  diplomacy.  The  struggle 
of  tendencies  and  parties,  during  most  of  the 
Meiji  era,  has  been  between  the  followers  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  and  the  Prussian  models  of  gov- 
ernment, with  the  result  that  the  latter  won  in  the 
letter  of  the  Constitution  and  the  former  in  the 
spirit  of  it.  Such  liberals  as  Count  Okuma  and 
Itagaki  were  too  high  in  character,  abilities  and 
popular  regard  for  arrest,  and  they  never  got 
into  prison.  Nevertheless,  speaking  their  minds 
freely,  they  cheered  on  their  followers.  Through- 
out the  long  struggle  for  personal  and  popular 
rights  speakers,  writers  and  leaders  everywhere 
showed  how  powerfully  the  literature  and  exam- 
ple not  only  of  France  and  England  but  much 
more  those  of  the  United  States  had  nourished 
their  minds  and  influenced  their  action. 

Political  Japan  might  be  rapidly  transformed, 
but  social  customs  change  slowly.  Even  under 
constitutional  imperialism,  the  old  clan  methods 
persisted  in  new  forms,  and  one  of  the  phe- 
nomena of  the  new  regime  was  the  rise  of  a new 
figure  in  Japanese  politics — the  so-shi  or  “physi- 
cal force  politician.” 

From  1869  to  1889,  speaking  roughly,  the 
ronin  vanished,  and  no  well  defined  figure  took 
his  place,  for  feudalism  was  no  more.  The  assas- 
sin, however,  was  occasionally  busy,  and  in  every 
case  was  a “gentleman,”  and  out  of  office.  When 


286 


THE  MIKADO 


Okuma  pressed  that  phase  of  the  question  of 
treaty  revision  whieh  would  allow  foreigners  to 
sit  with  Japanese  as  judges  in  mixed  courts,  then 
the  so-shi  (brave  man),  or  stalwart  patriot, 
arose.  His  cry  was,  “Japan  for  the  Japanese.” 
He  knew  what  dynamite  was  and  handled  it 
effectively,  at  times  even  in  evening  dress.  The 
sword  having  ceased  to  be  part  of  a gentleman’s 
garb,  the  sword  cane  and  revolver  were  in  de- 
mand and  use.  Organized  into  bands,  named 
“young  radicals,”  “independents,”  etc.,  these 
fiery  patriots  were  regularly  enrolled,  and  paid, 
bought  and  sold  like  Tammany  Hall  “heelers.” 
They  figured  in  the  personal  assaults  on  members 
of  the  Diet,  at  the  election  rows,  and  in  those 
unrequested  interviews  forced  on  Cabinet  Min- 
isters, which  so  disgraced  the  politics  of  Japan 
in  the  early  days  of  the  Diet.  Whether  serving 
as  personal  guards,  sluggers,  blackmailers,  in- 
ventors of  scandals  for  dirty  newspapers,  turners 
of  state’s  evidence,  low  actors,  peddlers  of  their 
own  ribald  street  songs,  or  campfollowers  of  the 
armies,  their  story,  whether  in  abounding  pros- 
perity or  abasement  of  impecuniosity,  is  marvel- 
lously like  that  of  the  vote  seller  and  political 
hanger-on  in  America.  The  clash  with  China  did 
much  to  make  the  so-shi  a vanishing  figure.  The 
war,  by  moving  Court  and  Diet  to  the  far  south- 
west at  Hiroshima,  withal,  calling  forth  into  at 
least  temporary  earnestness  of  unity  the  various 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


287 


factions,  spoiled  the  so-shi^s  trade.  One  burden 
of  letters  from  Japan  during  the  year  1895  was 
the  absence  from  or  innocuousness  of  the  so-shi  at 
the  capital.  The  pistol  shot  at  the  aged  Chinese 
envoy,  Li  Hung  Chang,  the  guest  of  the  nation, 
at  Shimonoseki,  roused  such  a storm  of  popular 
wrath  that  the  half  educated  yoimg  “gentlemen” 
who  once  lived  as  well  paid  “workers  for  the 
party,”  in  ever  dwindling  numbers,  were  com- 
pelled to  earn  a living  by  manual  industry  or  in 
precarious  blackmailing. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 


LATER  LIFE  OF  THE  EMPEROR 

By  the  time  tlie  Mikado  had  fulfilled  his  saered 
promise  given  to  the  nation  in  1868  and  had 
granted  the  Constitution  of  1889  he  had  reached 
the  prime  of  life  and  his  character  as  a statesman 
and  ruler  was  fixed.  Scrupulously  conscientious 
m all  his  dealings  with  individual  men  and  with 
the  nation,  he  rejoiced  in  the  opportunity  to  fulfill 
his  plighted  word.  There  were  extravagant 
demonstrations  of  joy  on  the  part  of  Japan’s 
millions,  on  the  promulgation  of  the  Constitu- 
tion in  1889,  but  their  emotions  were  no  deeper 
than  the  Emperor’s  own.  Theirs  was  as  the  tor- 
rential rivers  of  mountainous  Nippon.  His  was 
as  the  still  waters  of  Lake  Biwa. 

Tokutomi,  a veteran  editor,  through  Professor 
E.  W.  Clement  says  of  Mutsuhito:  “He  was 

a model  constitutional  monarch;  he  always 
trusted  his  eminent  statesmen,  and  kept  them 
in  their  proper  places,  the  right  man  in  the  right 
place;  he  never  deserted  his  Ministers;  he  was 
always  straightforward  and  openhearted.  He 
was  never  an  autocrat,  but  always  welcomed  sug- 
gestions from  the  Elder  Statesmen  and  Minis- 


288 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


289 


ters ; yet  he  was  master  of  the  situation  and  never 
‘dropped  the  reins.’  He  never  signed  a law  or 
ordinance  without  ascertaining  for  himself 
whether  it  was  desirable.  He  was  a painstak- 
ing, studious  monarch;  he  had  a tenacious 
memory,  so  that  his  mind  was  a remarkable  store- 
house of  recent  Japanese  history,  wherein  he  was 
better  posted  than  many  officials.  He  had  great 
literary  talent ; his  poems  were  straight  from  the 
heart  and  reminded  one  of  the  ‘Meditations’  of 
Marcus  Aurelius.  He  lived  a simple  life.” 

None  more  than  this  quiet,  forceful  man,  set 
to  guide  the  destinies  of  50,000,000  souls,  knew 
the  value  of  the  simple  life.  Amid  the  incoming 
flood  of  luxury  Mutsuhito  lived  in  the  palace  as 
a Spartan.  None  in  all  Japan  was  truer  to  the 
old  sanctions  in  a time  of  corrosion  and  flux. 
Loj^al  to  the  ancient  ideals,  he  understood  also 
the  power  of  inspiration  through  a shining 
example. 

In  1894  miglity  China,  with  her  big  modern 
battleships,  of  which  Japan  then  had  none;  her 
army  drilled  by  Germans,  her  forts  and  arsenals 
reared  on  modern  models  and  equipped  with 
Krupp  cannon,  and  backed  by  her  supposed  in- 
vincible hosts  and  inexhaustible  resources,  was 
reckoned  a power  that  could  crush  Japan.  So, 
in  unbroken  chorus,  predicted  the  armchair  ex- 
perts. We  who  knew  Japan’s  public  schools  and 
understood  Mutsuhito  did  not  wait  for  “wisdom 


290 


THE  MIKADO 


after  the  event,”  but  outlined  in  detail  the  course 
of  Japan’s  sure  victories  and  ultimate  triumph 
on  land  and  sea;  and  afterward  we  were  not  sur- 
prised when  the  Occident,  in  new  treaties,  pro- 
ceeded to  acloiowledge  Japan’s  political  equality. 

In  this  crisis  the  Emperor  revealed  his  unsel- 
fish devotion  to  his  people  by  leaving  the  capital 
and  his  home  comforts  to  be  nearer  his  men. 
Journeying  by  rail  to  Hiroshima,  in  the  south- 
west, and  to  the  rendezvous  and  port  of  depar- 
ture of  his  fleets  and  armies,  he  lived  in  frugality 
there  during  many  months.  It  was  the  simple  life 
for  him;  for  his  personal  food,  shelter  and  sur- 
roundings were  even  less  luxurious  than  the  stan- 
dard of  the  middle  classes  of  the  Empire  in  time 
of  peace.  All  this  the  soldiers  knew.  They  could 
not  help  winning. 

On  His  Majesty’s  return  to  the  capital  after 
the  war  a pavilion,  or  covered  arch,  many  yards 
long,  sheathed  entirely  with  kiri  leaves,  emble- 
matic of  national  loyalty,  welcomed  him. 


CHAPTER  XXIX 


THE  ROOTS  OF  THE  QUARREL  WITH  RUSSIA 

The  clash  between  Russia  and  Japan,  which 
surprised  the  world  in  1904,  was  preordained. 
The  red  flower  of  war  blossomed  from  roots  deep 
in  the  past.  Both  nations  had  sentimentally 
claimed  the  far  northern  region  of  Saghalien, 
long  supposed  to  be  continental,  though  it  was  a 
Japanese  who  first  proved  that  it  was  an  island. 
In  a narrow  craft,  made  especially  for  the  pur- 
pose, Mamiya  in  1805  sailed  into  and  beyond  the 
narrow  straits  of  Tartary,  nearly  circumnavi- 
gated the  island,  and  fixed  its  topography.  To 
the  Japanese  Karafuto,  as  they  called  it,  was  a 
part  of  the  Mikado’s  domain.  Its  occupation, 
even  though  temporary,  by  aliens,  meant  inva- 
sion; while  seizure  of  any  part  of  their  land  was 
to  them  “dismemberment  of  the  Empire,”  a 
thought  most  horrible. 

When  therefore  in  1806  the  Russians  made  de- 
scent upon  Itorup,  in  the  Kurile  Islands,  they 
met  resistance  from  the  garrison  from  Yedo,  and 
they  shed  Japanese  blood.  Because  of  this  the 
wrath  and  long  memory  of  a people  to  whom 
forgetfulness  or  forgiveness  of  injuries  is  not  a 

291 


292 


THE  MIKADO 


shining  grace  smouldered  long  and  needed  only  a 
breeze  to  rouse  it.  An  increasingly  voluminous 
literature  concerning  their  insular  possessions, 
which  they  now  called  Hokkaido,  or  North  Sea 
Gate,  kept  them  from  popular  oblivion. 

Later  provocations  were  not  wanting.  In  time 
of  her  dire  weakness  in  1861,  Japan  was  further 
insulted  by  the  descent  of  Russians  on  the  island 
of  Tsushima  in  the  far  south.  When  bravely 
resisted,  the  invaders  shed  blood  again,  for  a 
Japanese  guardsman  was  killed.  The  Musco- 
vites planted  seed  for  crops  and  expected  to  stay. 
Only  when  the  Yedo  Government,  then  helpless 
before  its  insurgent  feudatories,  invoked  the  aid 
of  the  British  fleet,  did  the  Russians  retire. 

Yet  in  St.  Petersburg  the  determination  to 
own  Saghalien,  for  a convict  station,  was  kept  up 
and  in  1875  Baron  De  Rosen,  the  Czar’s  envoy  in 
Tokyo,  right  under  the  nose  of  Sir  Harry  Parkes, 
the  ever  vigilant  British  Minister,  conducted  his 
negotiations  with  such  adroitness  and  secrecy  that 
one  fine  morning  Parkes  was  astounded  to  learn 
that  all  Saghalien  was  now  Russian  and  that 
possession  of  the  Kuriles,  already  claimed  by 
Japan,  had  been  guaranteed  by  Russia  as  quid 
pro  quo.  The  Muscovites  had  outwitted  the 
Chinese,  slicing  off  a territory  in  Manchuria  as 
big  as  France,  which  brought  their  frontier 
alongside  of  Korea  and  made  them  neighbors  to 
the  Japanese;  and  now  nothing  but  a narrow 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


293 


strait  separated  the  Czar’s  land  from  the  INIikado’s. 
What  was  to  hinder  the  Russians  from  seizing 
Korea  and  making  of  the  Japan  Sea  a Russian 
lake? 

Over  these  humiliations  and  impending  dan- 
gers thousands  of  subjects  of  the  JMikado 
brooded  with  secret  sorrow.  When  therefore,  on 
April  27,  1891,  the  Czarevitch,  or  son  of  the  then 
Autocrat  of  all  the  Russias  and  now,  since  1894, 
Emperor,  landed  as  the  Mikado’s  guest,  the  most 
scrupulous  care  was  exercised  everywhere  on  his 
route  lest  any  breach  of  hospitality  should  occur. 

Yet  above  all  things  the  practical  Japanese 
are  very  sentimental,  and  some,  in  spite  of  Bu- 
shido, are  without  control.  Kone  knew  this  trait 
of  their  countrymen  more  than  the  Tokyo  states- 
men, but  they  thought  they  could  trust  their  own 
policemen.  But,  borne  down  with  a sense  of 
humiliation  over  the  “dismemberment  of  the  Em- 
pire” and  boiling  with  rage  and  hatred  at  the 
defilement  of  the  Land  of  the  Gods  by  the  incar- 
nation of  Russian  spoilers,  in  the  person  of  the 
Czarevitch,  one  fanatical  policeman,  near  Kyoto 
on  May  11,  1891,  drew  his  sword  and  smote  the 
Czarevitch  a blow  that  save  for  the  thick  pith 
helmet  he  wore  would  have  been  fatal. 

"What  was  to  be  done,  when  the  Emperor  of 
Japan,  even  more  than  his  guest,  was  thus 
wounded  in  the  house  of  his  friends?  The  com- 
ing of  the  Czar’s  son  had  been  the  subject  of  long 


S94 


THE  MIKADO 


negotiation.  When  the  Russian  Minister  in 
Tokyo  told  the  Mikado  that  he  did  not  consider 
the  guarantees  for  the  safety  of  the  Czarevitch 
sufficient,  Mutsuhito  made  reply  that  startled 
to  indignation  some  of  his  own  officers:  “I  take 
the  personal  responsibility  of  the  Czarevitch’s 
visit.  His  person  shall  be  as  safe  as  my  own. 
I answer  for  his  safety  with  my  own  honor.” 
What  this  meant,  the  swift  sequel  showed.  In 
Tokyo,  within  two  hours  after  receipt  of  tele- 
grams announcing  news  of  the  attack,  a Cabinet 
meeting  was  called.  The  Emperor’s  own  sur- 
geon and  an  Imperial  Prince  were  at  once  des- 
patched by  special  train  to  Kyoto.  In  a rescript 
addressed  to  the  nation,  its  head  expressed  his 
profound  sorrow,  and  the  next  morning  started 
with  all  his  staff  for  Kyoto.  Then  followed  what, 
considering  the  sacredness  of  the  Emperor’s  per- 
son, was  an  exhibition  of  genuine  personal  cour- 
age. Mutsuhito  went  on  board  the  Russian  ship 
to  make  apology  in  person  and  to  express  his 
deep  sympathy  and  sorrow.  The  meeting  be- 
tween the  two  men  of  exalted  rank  was  affecting 
in  the  extreme.  Yet  on  land,  the  Elder  States- 
men, members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  the  leading 
men  of  Japan,  as  they  saw  their  sovereign  put 
off  in  the  boat,  and  during  all  the  time  of  his 
absence  on  the  Russian  ship  felt  the  deepest 
anxiety  while  their  beloved  ruler  was  virtually 
away  from  Japan  and  on  what  was  legally  Rus- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


295 


sian  soil.  What  if  he  should  be  kidnapped  and 
carried  away  to  Russia? 

With  such  a grievance  to  redress,  would  not 
the  Russians  be  justified  in  holding  the  Japa- 
nese Emperor  as  a hostage  for  redress,  or  as  a 
punishment  for  the  insult  to  a royal  personage? 
The  aged  Count  Hijikata,  on  November  14, 
1912,  recalling  the  incident,  said;  “When  the 
boat  which  conveyed  the  Emperor  back  to  the 
shore  was  seen  leaving  the  Russian  man-of-war, 
our  joy  at  receiving  back  our  Emperor  knew  no 
bounds.” 

N o incident  in  all  the  life  of  Mutsuhito  showed 
more  clearly  the  union  of  hearts  between  the 
Mikado  and  the  people  than  this  incident. 

In  1904,  after  Russia’s  aggression  and  tor- 
tuous diplomacy,  which  might  have  compelled  a 
war,  even  with  the  United  States,  had  not  certain 
questions  at  issue  been  settled  by  Japan,  when  a 
public  school  army  smote  Russia’s  ignorant  mili- 
tary masses,  Mutsuhito  was  the  true  leader  of  his 
people.  As  was  his  lifelong  habit,  he  opened  his 
mind  in  daily  rhythm  and  spoke  to  his  people  in 
poetry.  Three  poems,  which  appeared  in  “The 
Nation’s  Friend”  {Kokumin  Shimbun)  of  No- 
vember 9,  1904,  and  were  translated  by  the  late 
Rev.  Arthur  Lloyd,  photograph  his  feelings  be- 
fore the  war,  at  its  declaration  and  in  the  crisis 
of  battle,  when  youth  was  in  arms  abroad  and  at 


296 


THE  MIKADO 


the  front,  while  old  age  was  at  home  in  unwonted 
labors : 

“My  heart’s  at  peace  with  all,  and  fain  would  I 
Live,  as  I love,  in  lifelong  amity ; 

And  yet  the  storm  clouds  lower,  the  rising  wind 
Stirs  up  the  waves ; the  elemental  strife 
Rages  around.  I do  not  understand 
Why  this  should  be.” 

“’Tis  surely  not  Our  fault. 

We’ve  sought  to  be  sincere  in  deed  and  word; 

We  have  exhausted  every  means  to  press 
A clear  and  truthful  case,  but  all  in  vain. 

Now  may  the  God  that  sees  the  hearts  of  men 
Approve  of  what  We  do ! 

“They’re  at  the  front. 

Our  brave  young  men ; and  now  the  middle  aged 
Are  shouldering  their  arms ; and  in  the  fields 
The  old  men  gather  in  the  abundant  rice. 

Low  stooping  o’er  the  sheaves : all  ages  vie 
In  cheerful  self-devotion  to  the  Land.” 

Of  the  war  hundreds  of  witnesses,  in  every 
language  of  Europe  and  in  many  of  Asia,  have 
written.  Apart  from  its  carnage,  its  engineering, 
its  hygiene,  its  naval  conflicts,  it  was  a revelation 
to  the  world.  It  smote  most  wholesomely  the 
conceit  of  the  “white  man.”  These  blows  of 
surprise  and  pedagogical  chastisement  were 
sorely  needed.  The  Muscovites,  in  masses  of 
men  who  loiew  not  what  they  were  fighting  for, 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


297 


were  thrown  against  intelligent  patriots  infused 
with  the  loftiest  ideals.  As  usual,  the  moral 
counted  against  the  physical  force,  as  three  to 
one. 

In  actual  conflicts  in  the  field  the  Russian 
infantry  fired  by  platoons.  Their  tacticians, 
sword  in  hand,  galloped  at  the  front.  The 
Japanese  commanders  used  telegraphs  and  tele- 
phones, their  soldiers  making  brain  power  and 
cleanliness  allies  to  valor.  Russian  soldiers,  in 
their  sheer  ignorance  and  within  their  own  lines, 
cut  down  the  electric  wires  to  mend  their  boots 
and  bale  their  hay.  The  Japanese  could  out- 
march the  Russians  and  could  throw  a pontoon 
across  a river  over  a mile  wide  within  twenty 
minutes,  because  bridge  building,  as  well  as  san- 
dal making,  had  been  an  everyday  task  during 
ages.  The  spirit  of  Japan  is  sufficiently  repre- 
sented in  two  of  many  telegrams  after  Admiral 
Togo’s  victory: 

The  Japanese  Minister  of  the  Navy  to  Ad- 
miral Togo: 

“We  send  sincere  congratulations  and  take 
occasion  to  praise  the  virtue  of  the  Emperor;  to 
thank  you  and  those  under  you  for  the  onerous 
service  extending  over  many  months  and  to  ex- 
press sympathy  for  the  killed  and  wounded.” 

The  Japanese  Emperor  to  Admiral  Togo: 

“We  are  glad  that  by  the  loyalty  of  Our  offi- 


298 


THE  MIKADO 


0 

cers  and  men  We  have  been  enabled  to  respond  to 
the  spirits  of  our  ancestors.” 

Again,  response  to  the  spirit  of  ancestors! 

The  reply  of  Admiral  Togo  to  his  Emperor’s 
congratulations,  which  created  surprise  and  mer- 
riment in  America,  ascribed  the  whole  credit  of 
victory  to  the  virtue  of  the  Mikado’s  ancestors. 
My  own  comment  in  the  New  York  Tribune 
was  in  part  the  following : 

“In  Japan  all  life  is  communal.  The  vic- 
tories of  Oyama  and  Togo  are  not  theirs,  but  the 
nation’s.  They  are  literally  the  result  of  all  the 
past  life  and  training  of  the  whole  people.  Togo 
is  absolutely  sincere  in  declaring  that  ‘not  to  the 
action  of  any  human  being’  but  to  the  soul  of  all 
Japan  is  the  result  to  he  ascribed.” 


CHAPTER  XXX 


THE  MATURE  MAN 

JMutsuhito  incarnated  the  spirit  of  the  nation, 
in  that  he  rose  to  every  fresh  occasion  and  met 
new  demands  and  duties  with  cheerful  regularity. 
With  filial  piety,  he  aeeepted  the  past.  He  real- 
ized, as  few  outsiders  possibly  could,  the  mystie 
influenee  of  ancestors  in  his  own  heredity.  Yet, 
as  if  reborn,  he  welcomed  the  fresh  opportunities 
and  was  no  less  obedient  to  the  new  calls,  nor 
any  the  less  loyal  to  the  duties  of  the  unexpected 
hour.  He  entered  like  an  athlete  into  the  need- 
ful preparation  of  a larger  life,  sueh  as  his  sires 
had  never  known  or  dreamed. 

Mutsuhito  was  accustomed  to  rise  at  six  o’clock 
the  year  round.  At  seven  o’clock  he  sat  down  to 
breakfast  and  after  this  attended  to  matters  of 
paternal  affection  and  personal  need,  and  to 
those  household  cares  which  the  husband,  father 
and  friend  eannot  shirk,  whether  he  dwell  in  the 
hut  or  palace.  At  nine  o’clock  the  court  physi- 
cians came  in  to  make  the  necessary  inquiries 
after  the  Emperor’s  health.  This  function  not 
infrequently  extended  to  further  examination 
and  scrutiny.  Imperative  rule  required  the 

299 


300 


THE  MIKADO 


physicians  to  state  frankly  what  was  necessary 
to  maintain  the  bodily  vigor  of  the  nation’s  ruler. 
Even  in  later  years,  when  disliking  travel  and 
becoming  more  and  more  wedded  to  domestic  and 
personal  comfort,  he  was  in  danger  of  falling, 
like  even  common  men,  into  an  ignoble  round  of 
sedentary  life,  the  Emperor  was  obedient  to  med- 
ical command.  He  went  out  doors  into  active 
horsemanship  or  even  took  considerable  jour- 
neys, in  order  to  vary,  for  his  best  physical  good, 
the  rigid  routine  of  his  daily  life. 

At  ten  o’clock  Mutsuhito  was  in  his  library,  or 
engaged  in  council  with  his  Ministers,  in  discus- 
sion, or  in  attending  to  the  multifarious  duties 
which  now  devolved  upon  the  head  of  the  great 
Empire.  At  high  noon  he  sat  down  to  the  mid- 
day meal,  a rather  light  and  frugal  one.  At  two 
he  began  again  the  consideration  of  and  deci- 
sion upon  questions  of  state,  the  hours  of  detail 
stretching  out  usually  until  five  and  often  until 
six.  After  the  evening  meal  there  were  social 
duties,  audiences  with  his  Ministers  or  servants, 
or  great  public  functions,  so  that  rarely  was 
Mutsuhito  at  entire  leisure,  while  certainly  one 
of  the  busiest,  if  not  the  most  busy  man  in  the 
Empire. 

The  Emperor’s  gymnastic  habits  were  less 
peculiar  than  thoroughly  Japanese.  In  the  ear- 
lier days  archery  was  his  favorite  amusement. 
As  the  Empire  expanded  and  his  duties  pressed. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


301 


he  could  take  long  walks  only  occasionally,  in  the 
Imperial  gardens.  When  wet  weather  prevented 
outdoor  relaxation  he  walked  under  cover,  but 
more  time  was  spent  on  a wooden  horse,  which 
was  so  built  and  articulated  and  capable  of  move- 
ment that  it  afforded  him  good  exercise.  From 
childhood  he  was  passionately  fond  of  high  bred 
horses  and  of  riding  them.  He  frequently  at- 
tended the  races,  in  both  Tokyo  and  Yokohama, 
enjoying  keenly  the  utmost  development  of 
equine  flesh  as  seen  in  speed.  He  had  been  well 
trained  by  the  best  teachers  of  horsemanship 
when  a lad  in  Kyoto,  but  there  is  a notable  dif- 
ference between  the  old  and  new  styles  of  riding. 
When  the  Japanese  saddle  was  a voluminous 
affair  of  gilt  bravery  in  leather  and  dazzling 
brilliancy  of  red  silk  and  tassels,  with  mighty 
stirrups,  in  which  one  put  the  whole  of  his  stock- 
inged foot  upon  the  wide,  flat  heavy  shoe,  the 
style  of  sitting  for  the  rider  differed  notably  from 
that  of  to-day,  in  that  the  man  leaned  forward, 
while  also  holding  the  head  of  the  horse  high  up 
in  the  air.  The  modern  method  of  sitting  up- 
right, booted  and  spurred,  with  feet  in  compara- 
tively small  steel  loops  is  in  striking  contrast. 
The  old  fashioned  habits  of  the  Emperor,  kept 
up  in  later  years,  sometimes  excited  inward  smiles 
among  those  who  were  outwardly  admiring.  In- 
stead of  sitting  straight  up,  as  the  best  modern 
riders  do,  Mutsuhito  still  leaned  forward  with 


302 


THE  MIKADO 


what  one  might  call  the  “scholarly  stoop”  in  his 
shoulders. 

Mutsuhito  loved  not  the  horse  only  but  all  liv- 
ing things.  His  favorite  companion  in  his  garden 
walks  was  the  Yorkshire  terrier  which  General 
Oyama  had  given  him. 

Poetry  to  the  Japanese  is  “the  gymnastics  of 
the  soul.”  In  this  enchanted  realm  Mutsuhito 
exercised  his  spirit.  From  early  childhood  Mut- 
suhito not  only  loved  poetry,  to  hear  and  read  it, 
hut  he  even  began  at  seven  or  eight  years  of  age 
to  write  it.  His  honored  father,  Komei,  taught 
his  precocious  son  and  commanded  him  to  write 
down  his  thoughts  in  dainty  rhythm.  What  was 
at  first  discipline  became  passion  with  Mutsuhito. 
Where  others  in  the  Western  world,  for  example, 
let  out  their  souls  at  play  in  keeping  a diary,  in 
writing  letters,  in  jotting  down  thoughts  in 
prose,  in  collecting  what  is  personally  agreeable, 
thus  making  a record  of  their  inmost  desires  and 
showing  what  their  souls  feed  upon,  Mutsuhito, 
now  that  he  has  gone,  has  in  these  verselets  re- 
vealed to  us  his  soul.  In  his  merry  moods  or  in 
times  of  excitement  he  would  pen  as  many  as 
fifty  or  sixty  a day.  He  shared  his  soul  with  his 
people. 

Part  of  the  Emperor’s  evening  recreation  in 
later  years  was  in  recalling  memories  of  Kyoto, 
both  of  his  tranquil  child  life  and  the  stirring 
scenes  of  his  boyhood,  both  of  bloodless  struggle 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


303 


in  the  Court  and  of  the  war  and  fire  scenes  which 
took  place  in  the  old  city. 

From  the  time  when  he  discarded  the  native 
flowing  robes  as  his  daily  habit  Mutsuhito  wore, 
during  the  hours  of  his  occupation  with  affairs 
of  state,  the  uniform  of  commander-in-chief  of 
the  army  and  na\w.  On  naval  occasions,  since 
the  great  review  took  place,  the  Emperor  wore 
the  naval  uniform.  ’Wlien  public  business  was 
over  he  donned  a plain  frock  coat.  This  was 
of  simple  black  cloth,  woven  from  native  looms. 
To  the  end  of  his  days,  however,  the  tight  fitting 
foreign  dress  always  seemed  to  him  like  armor, 
the  robe  of  duty  but  not  the  dress  of  comfort. 
His  own  looser  native  garb  was  preferred  for  the 
hours  of  ease,  and  his  night  garment  was  of  white 
silk  of  a kind  called  liabiitai,  or  feather  woof. 
INIost  of  this  fabric  is  made  in  the  city  of  Fukui, 
and  nowadays  with  modern  machinery  moved  by 
steam,  gas  or  electricity,  and  no  longer  in  cot- 
tages, as  I saw  it  woven,  but  in  great  factories. 
The  sleeping  robe  was  worn  but  once. 

His  JNIajesty  was  a convinced  believer  in  the 
virtues  of  the  shampoo,  or  dr}”  rub.  The  Hindu 
word  and  the  actual  thing  were  introduced  alike 
into  Japan  and  Europe,  the  Far  East  and  the 
Far  West  from  India,  in  connection  with  the 
hot  bath,  which  like  a true  native  of  Nippon, 
INIutsuhito  believed  in.  The  practice  of  massage 
is  an  old  one  in  Japan,  and  is  the  monopoly  of 


30i 


THE  MIKADO 


blind  men  (ama) , who  go  about  the  streets 
toward  dusk  or  night  fall.  Blowing  his  curious 
whistle,  each  one  sounds  the  cry,  “My  services 
are  perfectly  fulfilled  for  three  hundred  mon,” 
(three  cents).  Many  foreigners,  especially  in 
travelling,  and  thousands  of  natives  enjoy  the 
mild  kneading,  rubbing,  pounding,  slapping, 
pulling  and  snapping  of  joints  by  the  expert 
ama,  while  they  lie  on  the  mats  and  quilts.  As 
preparation  for  tranquil  rest  His  Majesty  sum- 
moned to  his  bedside  one  of  the  most  skilful  of 
the  fraternity,  but  one  with  sight,  and  enjoyed 
the  passive  exercise  which  refreshes  and  promotes 
circulation. 

In  the  morning  the  silk  kimono  was  given 
away,  and  many  of  these  mementoes  of  His? 
late  JNIajesty  have  been  made  into  cushions,  bags, 
bedding,  or  objects  of  personal  and  household 
decoration,  thus  still  keeping  fresh  the  memories 
of  the  past. 

Formerly  these  garments  for  the  Emperor 
were  bought  through  the  regular  channels  of 
trade,  but  in  these  modern  days  of  bacilli  and 
germs,  when  we  know  how  disease  is  carried, 
there  has  been  established  in  the  Palace  a de- 
partment of  tailoring,  in  which  thte  men  and 
women  employed  are  subject  to  rigid  purification 
and  inspection.  These  workmen  dress  in  wash- 
able white,  so  that  danger  of  disease  entering  in 
this  way  is  almost  wholly  eliminated.  It  is  per- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


305 


haps  hardly  possible  for  a modern  Mikado  to 
die,  as  Komei  did,  of  smallpox,  or  of  infectious 
diseases  that  have  more  than  once  desolated  the 
palaces  of  Asia  and  Europe  alike.  No  profes- 
sion is  now  more  honored  in  Japan  than  that  of 
the  physician,  and  in  the  art  of  prevention  as 
well  as  cure  the  Japanese  doctors  excel. 

Few  people  in  the  Empire  were  more  consis- 
tently frugal  in  their  eating  habits  than  Mu- 
tsuhito.  For  the  Emperor’s  conscience,  it  was  a 
question  of  national  welfare  as  to  how  he  ate. 
He  certainly  tried  to  glorify  his  ancestors  and 
emulate  their  primitive  virtues.  The  example 
which  he  set  has  made  it  possible  for  an  over- 
crowded and  poor  country,  with  very  little 
arable  land,  to  sustain  two  great  wars.  Vast 
enterprises  that  would  have  been  impossible  ex- 
cept for  the  strong  reinforcement  of  precept  and 
practice  in  the  Imperial  Castle  and  the  inspira- 
tion that  flowed  thence  were  carried  out. 

The  Emperor’s  meal  at  sunset,  the  chief  one 
of  the  day,  usually  consisted  of  five  courses.  He 
was  very  fond  of  chicken  soup  and  of  broiled 
fish.  The  latter  was  dipped  repeatedly  in  soy, 
as  it  was  taken  off  and  put  again  upon  the  grid- 
iron several  times  over,  so  that  the  flavor  of  the 
sauce  penetrated  the  entire  body  of  the  food. 
This  soy,  our  word  being  a corruption  of  the 
J apanese  shoyu,  is  made  of  a fermented  mixture 
of  calcined  barley  meal,  boiled  beans,  yeast,  water 


306 


THE  MIKADO 


and  salt,  and  is  the  basis  of  most  of  those  English 
sauces,  with  names  ending  in  “shire,”  which  come 
to  us  in  bottles  having  long  necks  and  high  prices. 
As  a rule  Mutsuhito  did  not  care  for  foreign  food 
or  dishes,  though  not  averse  to  some  of  them. 
He  ate  frequently  also,  as  we  do,  of  raw  food, 
ours  being  oysters  and  clams,  and  his  sashimi, 
which  consists  of  very  thin  slices  of  raw  fish,  with 
finely  grated  root  stuff  having  a piquant  taste 
and  flavor.  His  Majesty  was  very  fond  of  fine 
garden  vegetables  and  was  never  at  any  time  a 
large  consumer  of  flesh. 

For  the  lighter  courses,  the  Emperor  was  very 
fond  of  fruit,  and  in  time  banana  and  peach  trees 
brought  from  different  countries  were  planted  in 
the  Palace  gardens,  so  that  he  could  have  them 
fresh  from  the  parent  stem.  For  dessert  he  liked 
sponge  cake,  which  the  Japanese  call  kastera, 
after  Castile  in  Spain,  whence  first  it  came.  Of 
other  dainty  bakings  and  of  chocolate  he  was  also 
a good  judge. 

Though  the  Imperial  meals  were  simple,  ex- 
ceeding care  was  used  in  the  preparation  and 
presentation  of  the  food.  This  was  most  care- 
fully selected  and  sampled,  and  every  phase  of  its 
cleansing  and  cooking  was  guarded  by  the  Palace 
physicians.  Then  set  upon  ceremonial  trays, 
that  is,  those  upon  a lofty  base,  they  were  brought 
upon  the  table,  which  was  garnished  with  the 
standard  emblems  of  happiness  and  longevity. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


307 


the  pine,  the  erane  and  the  tortoise.  The  flower 
arrangements  in  the  season  were  of  the  choieest 
of  their  kind,  while  the  dishes  and  articles  of  use 
on  the  table  had  the  chrysanthemum  and  the 
paulownia,  which  form  the  Emperor’s  national 
and  family  crest,  as  their  decoration. 

Tea  was  of  course  the  standard  drink,  for 
INIutsuhito,  a world  citizen  in  intellect,  was  a 
Japanese  by  choice  and  taste,  as  well  as  by  birth 
and  training.  The  particular  kind  of  herb  he 
liked  was  grown  in  Uji,  where  are  the  oldest 
gardens  in  the  Empire.  The  black  leaf  he  most 
appreciated  was  called  by  a name  meaning 
“jewelled  dew.”  The  tea  was  always  made  in 
Japanese  style,  the  proprieties  as  to  metal  and 
keramics  being  strictly  observed,  and  was  served 
at  every  meal.  In  old  Japan  milk  was  not  a 
common  drink.  Only  motherless,  infantile  hu- 
manity and  very  old  and  weak  people  were  sup- 
posed to  drink  it.  In  fact  two  strong  causes 
operated  against  an  abundant  supply;  the  one 
being  a matter  of  opinion  and  the  other  of  re- 
sources. It  was  thought  wrong  to  take  the  milk 
from  the  mother  animal,  when  her  offspring 
needed  it  more.  Yet  as  a matter  of  fact,  with 
the  old  native  stock,  it  usually  required,  besides 
the  presence  of  the  calf,  a good  deal  of  muscular 
human  exertion  to  get  any  respectable  amount  of 
the  liquid.  Ages  of  evolution  had  done  little  for 
the  cow  in  Japan,  and  none  of  the  wonders  of 


308 


THE  MIKADO 


the  mighty  udders  in  Friesland  or  Jersey  were 
known  in  The  Land  of  Fertile  Plains,  even  in 
mythology  or  fairy  tale.  As  American  and 
European  blooded  stock  was  introduced,  the 
breed  of  cattle  improved  and  fashions  changed 
in  the  Land  of  Many  Adoptions.  Then  the  dairy 
man  and  the  milk  wagon,  the  churn,  the  jug  and 
the  pitcher  made  their  appearance,  both  His  Ma- 
jesty and  the  Empress  frequently  enjojdng  the 
beverage.  The  man  who  wins  the  Japanese  to 
delight  in  the  products  of  the  cow  and  to  use 
cheese  liberally  will  have  the  honors  of  a conquest 
greater  than  that  of  Port  Arthur  or  Mukden. 

Of  alcoholic  liquors,  at  first,  Mutsuhito  drank 
only  sake,  the  a;on  old  liquid,  both  brewed  and 
distilled  from  rice,  but  later  took  to  the  enjoyment 
of  foreign  wines,  liking  especially  in  recent  years 
Chateau  la  rose.  This  sense  of  pleasure  in  for- 
eign liquors  so  increased,  that,  according  to  the 
alleged  testimony  of  one  of  his  physicians,  his 
alcoholic  indulgences,  along  with  his  multifarious 
burdens  and  cares,  shortened  his  life.  From  the 
best  testimony  gathered,  it  was  more  than  prob- 
able that  Japan  would  have  enjoyed  much  longer 
the  benefit  of  his  noble  and  beautiful  life,  had 
Mutsuhito  been  an  abstainer,  especially  from  for- 
eign concoctions. 

A true  Japanese  of  the  Japanese,  the  Emperor 
used  hashi,  or  chopsticks  continually.  Those  for 
Imperial  use  were  of  a special  length.  Whereas 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


309 


the  hashi  or  chopsticks  used  by  other  members  of 
the  Imperial  family  were  eight  inches,  those  of 
the  Mikado  were  nine  inches  long.  These  were 
fashioned  by  an  expert  living  in  one  of  the  vil- 
lages of  Greater  Tokyo  from  katsu  wood.  This 
man  selected  the  material  according  to  its  weight 
and  quality.  Then,  after  repeated  personal  prep- 
aration in  cleanliness  both  of  mind  and  body,  and 
strict  inspection  of  material  and  the  workman 
assistants,  he  gave  the  proper  shape,  form,  and 
length  to  the  chopsticks.  The  final  craftsman- 
ship which  imparted  the  slender  grace  and  ivory- 
like polish  to  the  hashi  was  the  master’s  joyful 
work.  He  was  accustomed  to  shut  himself  up 
from  his  family,  see  no  friends,  and,  as  if  en- 
gaged in  religious  exercises,  would  put  the  fin- 
ishing touches  upon  fifty  pairs  in  a day. 

A true  Japanese  and  a genuine  connoisseur, 
Mutsuhito  had  a great  passion  for  swords.  He 
was  well  acquainted  with  the  history  of  the  wea- 
pon and  of  the  methods  and  details  of  the  work- 
men and  their  shops,  and  with  the  poetry  and  lore 
of  the  time,  for  in  Nippon  the  sword  has  been 
transfigured  and  its  spiritual  significance  em- 
phasized quite  as  much  as  its  material  reality. 
Before  the  Restoration  he  had  made  a collection 
of  half  a hundred  choice  blades,  which  he  enjoyed 
handling;  but  after  feudalism  had  been  abolished 
many  of  the  former  castle  lords  sent  to  their  be- 
loved master  scores  of  historic  weapons,  famous 


310 


THE  MIKADO 


in  their  families  and  with  their  ancestors.  The 
Emperor’s  personal  collection  in  1912  numbered 
over  three  hundred.  Only  a few  of  the  former 
Daimios  have  established  museums,  in  which  hun- 
dreds and  even  thousands  of  the  blades  of  the 
clan,  once  so  dear,  are  treasured.  The  romance 
and  sentiment  of  the  Japanese  sword  penetrated 
ISIutsuhito’s  heart  and  mind  and  much  of  the  per- 
fume of  the  old  Palace  life  still  remained,  as  if 
the  spirit  of  the  blade  were  guarding  him  day  and 
night.  Here  is  his  feeling  expressed  in  one  of 
his  own  verses,  as  Dr.  J.  Ingram  Bryan  trans- 
lates it: 

“Hail,  forged  sword  of  ancient  glory 
Untarnished  through  ancestral  ages ! 

Still  higher  make  its  worldwide  story, 

Knights  of  Nippon,  when  war  rages.” 

One  other  personal  foible  was  shown  by  the  Em- 
peror in  his  love  for  clocks,  native  and  foreign. 
These  he  collected  by  the  score,  enjoying  the 
study  of  their  workmanship  and  casing,  and  de- 
lighting to  hear  their  ticking,  striking  and  chimes. 
He  was  a great  patron  of  art,  not  only  pictorial 
but  also  glyptic  and  keramic.  He  delighted  in 
fine  lacquer  and  ivory.  Almost  every  kind  of 
plastic  material,  in  which  the  Japanese  genius 
finds  a field  for  the  expression  of  fun,  fact,  fancy, 
dream,  soul  vision  and  aspiration,  interested 
IMutsuhito. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


311 


It  is  certain  that  no  one  of  his  subjects  ever 
trained  himself  more  in  personal  finance,  and 
reahzed  early  in  life  how  potent  his  example  in 
this  vital  question  would  be  with  his  subjects. 
He  made  himself  early  sensitive  to  all  needs  and 
was  quick  to  respond  to  the  calls  upon  his  munifi- 
cence, whether  these  were  uttered  or  unexpressed. 
Almost  every  charitable  cause  appealed  to  him, 
and  without  regard  to  race,  sect  or  creed,  he  gave 
liberally  and  often. 

Thanks  largely  to  Mutsuhito’s  fostering  in- 
terest in  athletic  exercises,  improvement  in  diet 
and  habits  of  sitting,  the  Japanese  have  added  in 
one  generation  half  an  inch  to  their  average  stat- 
ure. They  are  slowly  but  surely  increasing  in  both 
weight  and  height,  and  perhaps  no  country  now 
excels  Japan  in  public  hygiene. 


CHAPTER  XXXI 

THE  FAMILY  OF  MUTSUHITO 

The  Enip  ress  Haruko  was  not  far  behind  her 
Imperial  liusband  in  love  of  poetry,  in  outdoor 
delights,  in  a thousand  manifold  industries  in  the 
Palace,  of  which  the  world  knows  little  or  noth- 
ing, and  in  the  constant  practice  of  charity. 
W ell  do  I remember  her  interest  in  and  her  visit 
to  the  Girls’  School,  of  which  my  sister  was  the 
head,  which  by  evolution  grew  into  the  Tokyo 
Normal  School  and  the  Peeresses’  School.  In  a 
hundred  other  places  I have  heard  of  the  same 
gracious  interest  and  presence.  She  visited 
hospitals,  and  during  war  time  saved  from  her 
private  purse,  in  order  to  give  to  the  needy.  Her 
accounts  show  self-denial  and  economy,  even  to 
one  twentieth  of  a cent  saved  from  her  personal 
allowance,  in  order  to  purchase  artificial  limbs 
for  soldiers  who  had  lost  theirs  in  siege  or  battle. 
It  is  impossible  to  exaggerate  the  power  of  the 
Empress’s  example  in  educating  her  people.  To 
her  own  personal  patronage  in  the  furtherance 
of  the  ambulance  enterprise,  which  astonished 
and  led  the  world,  and  of  the  Red  Cross  activi- 
ties is  due  their  remarkable  efficiency. 

312 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


313 


Times  that  I can  remember  were,  when  in  the 
normal  Japanese  maiden  or  mature  woman  the 
feeling  of  disgust  overcame  the  instincts  even  of 
humanity.  The  love  of  aesthetics  triumphed  over 
mercy,  for  the  canons  of  modesty  forbade  a J apa- 
nese  woman  to  touch  the  body  of  any  male 
human  being  not  her  father  or  in  close  blood 
relationship,  even  though  the  man  might  be 
wounded  and  in  pain.  Yet,  as  with  the  waving  of 
a wand  or  the  passing  of  a dark  night,  the  whole 
atmosphere  and  landscape  of  Japanese  life 
changed  into  bright  morning  when  it  was  known 
that  the  Empress  had  gone  into  the  hospitals, 
where  the  lowest  or  plainest  people  were,  muti- 
lated or  diseased.  Later,  when  the  noble  ladies 
both  washed  and  cleansed  the  sick  and  wounded 
common  soldier,  women  rushed  forward  in  a 
great  army  to  become  nurses.  Example,  rein- 
forcing precept,  added  amazingly  to  the  etSciency 
of  Japanese  womanhood. 

It  was  during  the  Russian  war  that  the  Japa- 
nese women  found  themselves,  realizing  for  the 
first  time,  on  a national  scale,  their  power  in 
organization  for  good.  In  their  great  work  under 
the  Red  Cross  they  were  led  by  the  Empress 
Haruko.  Besides  her  own  poems,  those  of  two 
of  the  Imperial  Princesses  penned  during  the  war 
are  noteworthy.  The  first  here  given  is  by  the 
Princess  Kitashirakawa,  who  was  left  a widow 
in  the  war  with  China: 


314 


THE  MIKADO 


“The  snow  white  bands  our  tender  hands  have  rolled 
Are  dyed  with  the  red  blood  of  our  true  hearts 
To  give  fresh  vigor  to  our  wounded  men.” 

The  second  is  by  the  Princess  Nashimoto: 

“We  are  but  women,  and  our  slender  hands 
Are  all  untaught  to  grasp  the  musket  stock; 

Yet  in  this  work,  we  know  that  we  can  bear 
Our  share  of  the  great  burden  of  the  war.” 

It  was  in  war  time  that  the  Empress  wrote: 

“With  every  tale  of  victory 
Arriving  from  the  field 
I think  how  many  brave  lives 
For  triumph  had  to  yield.” 

“The  twelve  cardinal  virtues  of  Japanese  so- 
cial life,”  temperance,  purity,  constancy),  etc., 
were  treated  poetically  by  the  Empress.  One  of 
her  compositions,  on  “Reality,”  is  as  follows: 

“I  ask  not  flowers  for  the  hair 
However  beyond  compare 
But  ornaments  more  rare 

Heart  flowers,  fragrant  and  fair.” 

Here  is  another  flash  of  thought,  in  praise  of 
the  permanent: 

“The  jewel  in  a lady’s  coronet 

Gleams  in  her  hair  and  sparkles  in  the  gloom 
And  yet  ’tis  naught,  a sparkle,  not  a light. 

The  book,  whose  page  enlightens  the  dark  mind 
Is  the  true  treasure.” 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


315 


A fresh  study  of  the  Dowager  Empress  Ha- 
ruko’s  poem*  shows  that  it,  “like  that  of  her 
late  Imperial  Lord,  is  supreme  in  technique  and 
magnificent  in  appeal,  although  it  is  naturally 
not  quite  so  virile  in  sentiment  nor  so  profound 
m poetical  conception.”  The  following,  penned 
on  shipboard,  is  translated  by  Arthur  Lloyd : 

“In  the  small  hours  of  night. 

When  all  is  dark,  and  rocks  nor  islets  show 
To  guide  the  steerinan,  lo ! the  noisy  crew 
Of  mariners,  with  many  a ‘yo-heave-ho’  and  shout. 
Raise  up  the  anchor.  Ere  the  lusty  strains 
Have  ceased,  day  breaks  on  the  whitening  waves, 
And  all  the  course  lies  clearly  to  be  seen.” 

Yoshihito,  third  son  of  Mutsuhito  and  now 
Emperor  of  Japan,  survived  all  his  older  broth- 
ers, who  died  young.  When  eight  years  old,  in 
September,  1887,  he  entered  the  school  for  nobles. 
His  playmates  were  chosen  with  great  care,  but 
the  heir  to  the  Throne  was  taught  to  attend  to 
many  of  the  details  of  life  himself,  so  as  to  learn 
the  ways  of  the  common  people,  even  to  the  tying 
of  his  own  shoe  strings.  The  Emperor  attended 
in  person,  or  rather  supervised  much  of  his  son’s 
education,  but  the  boy  remained  in  the  school  with 
his  playmates  until  Jime,  1895,  after  which  his 
training  in  the  Chinese  and  Japanese  branches 
of  learning  was  conducted  under  private  tutors. 

* In  the  Japan  Magazine,  for  December,  1912,  by  Dr.  J.  Ingram 
Bryan. 


316 


THE  MIKADO 


His  general  manner  of  life  was  that  of  most 
well  bred  Japanese.  He  rose  at  six,  took  his  cold 
bath  and  sat  down  to  a breakfast  of  milk  and 
bread.  He  then  spent  the  time  outdoors  until 
nine  o’clock,  when  lessons  began,  and  he  was  busy 
studying  until  twelve  o’clock.  His  lunch  was 
usually  in  foreign  style,  but  his  principal  or  even- 
ing meal  consisted  of  the  native  food  and  was 
served  in  the  manner  of  his  countrymen.  The 
greater  part  of  the  afternoon  was  passed  outdoors 
in  lively  exercise.  He  was  very  fond  of  football 
and  robust  games. 

To  some  Yoshihito  seemed  almost  outland- 
ishly  democratic,  especially  to  those  who  used  the 
glasses  of  tradition.  Many  anecdotes  are  told  of 
his  sympathy  with  the  plain  man.  When  visiting 
the  garrison  town  and  entering  the  barracks  he 
insisted  while  among  them  on  eating  the  common 
soldiers’  food.  To  all  protests  he  answered,  “I, 
also,  am  a soldier  of  the  Empire.”  On  one  occa- 
sion, when  a jin-riki-sha  man  was  seized  with 
vertigo  and  disabled,  the  Crown  Prince  leaped 
out  of  the  vehicle  and  walked  all  the  way  to 
Mishima.  Once  on  climbing  a mountain  he  left 
his  companions  behind  him  and  reached  the  top 
first.  At  another  time,  on  parade,  he  helped  a 
cavalryman,  who  had  tumbled  off  his  horse,  hold- 
ing the  fellow  in  his  arms  until  he  had  regained 
his  seat.  Yoshihito  inherited  his  great  love  of 
horses  from  his  father,  and  when  a boy  was  made 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


317 


very  happy  by  the  gift  of  a Siamese  pony,  with 
which  he  had  great  fun.  Another  pretty  story  is 
told  of  his  coming  to  a tea  house,  where  a de- 
formed young  girl  of  eight  had  hidden  herself  in 
the  dark  part  of  the  room,  though  wishing  to 
“worship  the  august  shadow.”  Yoshihito,  in- 
quiring about  her,  called  her  out  and  sat  beside 
her  on  the  bench  in  front  of  the  tea  house,  speak- 
ing words  of  kindness  never  forgotten  by  tlie 
child. 

Yoshihito  spent  the  evenings  in  social  enjoy- 
ment, and  his  last  function  and  w^ish  at  night 
were  to  take  a hot  bath,  and  be  in  bed  before 
eleven.  His  union  with  the  Princess  Sada,  now 
Empress,  resulted  in  the  birth  of  three  sons,  the 
first  of  whom,  Hirohito,  is  now  Crown  Prince 
or  Heir  Apparent.  During  his  kindergarten 
days  two  young  Japanese  ladies  of  good  training 
had  charge  of  the  Imperial  children  in  a model 
school  room,  in  which  were  blackboards,  modern 
seats  and  equipment.  The  exercises  began  at 
nine.  Prince  Michinomiya,  as  his  child’s  name 
was,  showed  himself  a real  boy,  enjoying  espe- 
cially the  native  games  of  “catching  the  oni” 
or  demon,  and  “first  at  the  flag.”  The  birth  of 
a grandson  bom  to  an  actually  reigning  Emperor, 
on  April  29,  1901,  is  said  to  have  been  the  first 
in  J apan  during  many  centuries. 

Like  his  ancestors,  the  new  JNIikado  is  ready 
with  the  pen  at  verse  flashes.  Once  when  out 


318 


THE  MIKADO 


hunting  he  shot  a stag,  but  when  the  beautiful 
ereature  was  brought  and  lay  dead  before  him, 
while  the  ery  of  its  bereaved  mate  was  heard, 
he  wrote: 


“For  my  own  amusement. 

The  fatal  shot  I fired 
But  when  I heard  the  doe’s  lament. 
The  pleasure  all  expired.” 


CHAPTER  XXXII 


THE  EMPEROR  AS  POET 

Nothing  reveals  the  eharacter  of  Mutsuhito,  the 
man,  more  than  his  autobiography,  whieh  he  has 
himself  written,  in  the  fugitive  couplets,  or  stan- 
zas, which  he  began  to  compose  in  childliood  and 
which  pastime  he  kept  up  almost  to  his  latest  con- 
scious hour.  It  was  his  constant  daily  habit  thus 
to  express  thought,  fancy,  dream,  emotion,  and 
probably  50,000  of  these  scintillations  of  his  gen- 
ius are  in  existence.  Hundreds  of  the  verselets 
have  been  translated  by  competent  scholars. 
These,  dwelling  among  the  living  people,  and 
surrounded  by  the  objects  and  sensitive  to  the 
influences  to  which  the  Japanese  soul  is  most  re- 
sponsive, withal  being  themselves  of  poetic  tem- 
per and  aesthetic  temperament,  have  succeeded 
in  rendering  the  verselets  with  point  and  felicity. 
We  say  this  advisedly,  because  a merely  literal 
translation  of  the  language  of  these  evanescent 
impressions,  emotions  and  fruits  of  experiences 
would  be  absurd.  The  analysis  of  a humming 
bird  in  terms  of  chemistry  would  hardly  yield 
to  one’s  eyes  a true  picture  of  this  flashing  jewel 
of  the  air. 


319 


320 


THE  MIKADO 


The  late  Dr.  Arthur  Lloyd  and  Dr.  J.  Ingram 
Bryan  of  Tokyo  have  been  among  the  most  siie- 
eessful  of  these  translators.  They  have  devel- 
oped with  sldll  the  Japanese  negative  of  the  light 
pictures  in  the  Emperor’s  soul  and  felicitously 
have  they  thrown  open  these  chambers  of  im- 
agery. Here  are  a few: 

“The  evening  afterglow 
Across  green  plains  of  pine, 

Extending  for  below — 

How  exquisitely  fine !” 

That  the  Emperor  himself  came  to  his  sunny 
and  winsome  disposition  not  by  the  mere  accident 
of  heredity  but  through  conscientious  cultivation 
is  shown  in  his  stanza  of  “The  Sunny  Heart”: 

“Morn  by  morn  the  rising  sun 

Serene  and  pure  his  course  doth  run ; 

Oh,  happy  heart  that  yearns  to  be 
Thus  sunlike  in  its  quality !” 

The  cares  of  state  sometimes  robbed  the  Em- 
j)eror  of  his  sleep,  for  it  was  not  possible  to  be 
free  from  anxiety  when  the  very  existence  of  his 
people  were  threatened.  In  this  manner  he  ex- 
pressed himself : 

“Many  a humid  summer  night 

I’ve  passed  long  hours  in  wakeful  mood. 

Much  musing  of  my  country’s  plight. 

And  with  deep  thoughts  of  her  imbued.” 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


321 


How  he  lived  with  his  people,  in  all  their  joys 
and  sorrows,  he  confesses  in  another  couplet: 

“Whether  it  rain  or  shine, 

I have  one  only  care — 

The  burden  of  this  heart  of  mine 
Is  how  my  people  fare.” 

Again  he  feels  that  the  nation’s  welfare  de- 
pends much  upon  himself  and  writes: 

“Oh ! Pillar  of  State, 

By  inheritance  mine, 

I pray  untoward  fate 
May  never  be  thine ; 

And  that  thou,  through  my  reign 
May  unmoved  remain.” 

Like  sparks  from  an  incandescent  bar  of  iron, 
flew  out  many  a time  the  proofs  of  the  Emperor’s 
spontaneous  love  for  J apan’s  millions,  who,  when 
they  read  these  poetic  outbursts,  were  thrilled : 

“When  old  books  I open 

And  turn  the  frayed  pages, 

I read  but  one  token. 

The  question  of  ages : 

My  People  so  true 

How  fares  it  with  you.^” 

In  the  competition  annually  called  for  by  the 
State  the  Emperor  took  part  with  his  subjects. 
As  in  the  West,  at  New  Year’s  time,  or  rather  in 
the  departing  hours  of  the  eve  of  the  joyous  day, 
w'hich  calls  forth  reflection  and  penitence  issuing 


322 


THE  MIKADO 


in  resolve,  the  spirit  is  stirred  to  longing  for 
greater  purity  of  life.  To  the  theme  set  by  the 
Emperor  himself,  His  Majesty,  as  he  looked 
toward  the  silver  glory  of  Japan’s  peerless  moun- 
tain, than  which  no  symbol  of  the  pure  heart 
could  be  more  striking,  wrote : 

“To  greet  New  Year 

Toward  Fuji’s  height. 

Aspiring  peer. 

Lofty  and  white !” 

Japan’s  Emperor  on  New  Year’s  Day  invites, 
according  to  custom,  the  whole  nation  to  a poetry 
party,  and  millions  enjoy  and  compete.  The 
Bureau  of  Poetry  makes  the  decisions  of  honor. 

A theme,  given  out  by  the  Emperor,  was  “The 
Plum  Blossom  and  the  New  Year.”  Only  those 
who  have  seen  the  fair  flower  itself,  whether  in 
the  garden  of  Japanese  life  and  literature  or 
as  the  living  harbinger  of  spring’s  victory  over 
winter,  when — as  the  artist  in  keramics  has 
endeavored  to  depict  it — the  plum  blossom’s 
})etals  lie  on  the  paper-thin  ice,  that  cracks  with 
the  slightest  motion,  can  fully  appreciate  the  sug- 
gestiveness, along  with  the  verbal  beauty  of  this 
poetic  gem  expressed  in  the  original  thirteen 
words : 

“In  the  morning  glow 

Of  the  still  young  year. 

Through  the  new  fallen  snow  ■ 

Plum  blossoms  appear!” 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


323 


On  another  occasion  His  Majesty  gave  out  the 
theme  “When  the  Bush-warbler  [unguisu,  Ja- 
pan’s sweetest  songster]  Makes  Melody.” 

“Not  to  be  behind  my  farers 

With  New  Year’s  congratulations 
The  warbler  leads  the  bearers 
Of  the  day’s  felicitations.” 

Certain  objects  in  pairs  form  the  main  stock 
of  the  Japanese  poet’s  thoughts  and  artist’s  de- 
signs. They  are  the  elements  which  by  mystic 
permutation  and  combination  make  the  islander’s 
world  of  feeling. 

For  example,  the  new  born  babe  is  covered  by 
a robe  embroidered  with  pine  tree  and  stork,  em- 
blems of  long  life.  The  willow  and  the  swallow, 
the  bamboo  and  the  sparrow  indicate  gentleness. 
Does  the  cuckoo  fly  across  the  night  sky’s  silver 
crescent?  The  scene  recalls  to  a native  in  the 
land  of  the  classic  bow  and  arrow  the  happy  shot 
made  by  the  archer  Yorimasa,  who  at  night  killed 
a monster  that  destroyed  the  Mikado’s  rest. 
When  the  Emperor  rewarded  his  liegeman  with 
a famous  sword,  the  Court  Noble  who  was  to 
present  it  heard  a cuckoo.  Catching  the  bird’s 
note,  he  extemporized  a verselet  in  seventeen  syl- 
lables; whereat  the  archer,  being  as  good  a poet 
as  he  was  a brave  soldier,  made  reply  in  a second 
strophe  of  fourteen  syllables,  making  a poem 
full  to  overflowing  richness  of  dainty  allusion  and 


32i 


THE  MIKADO 


double  meaning,  so  that  history,  poetry  and  sen- 
timent are  in  art  and  song  recalled  by  the  cuckoo 
and  moon. 

Other  couplets  combine  the  peony  and  Chinese 
lion ; the  mulberry  and  the  goat,  the  hare  peeping 
out  of  the  autumn  rushes.  The  Japanese  see 
in  the  moon  not  a man  carrying  sticks  but  a hare 
scouring  the  face  of  the  sky’s  mirror  with  rushes. 
The  red  maple  leaves  of  autumn  and  the  stag 
suggest  poetry  and  love,  because  the  Japanese 
use  the  same  word  for  color  (iro)  and  for  passion. 
When  the  lover  sends  a once  beloved  sprig 
of  autumn  maple,  it  is  equivalent  to  our  more 
prosaic  “mitten.”  The  leaf  and  the  heart  have 
both  changed  their  iro  or  color. 

The  plum  blossom  and  pheasant,  the  soaring 
wild  geese  with  rushes  or  pine  sprays  in  their 
beaks,  the  monkey  and  the  moon — the  animal 
seeing  its  face  in  the  dancing  mirror  on  the  un- 
stable element — the  chrysanthemum  and  the  ox, 
the  bamboo  and  the  tiger,  the  peach  tree  and  the 
oxen,  the  dragon  crossing  the  summit  of  Fuji 
on  the  clouds,  the  carp  and  the  waterfall,  are  all 
associated  images.  One  touch  of  rhythmic  words 
or  painter’s  brush  starts  the  Japanese  imagina- 
tion into  a long  ramble  through  fairy  land,  be- 
comes an  Open  Sesame  into  the  treasure  house 
of  the  national  lore,  or  sends  a thrill  of  aesthetic 
joy  through  the  nature  of  reader  or  hearer. 
Translation  seems  not  only  “treachery”  but  sug- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


325 


gests  even  the  common  place  operations  of  a 
bleachery.  A hundred  other  couplets,  more  or 
less  associated  together,  might  be  found  in  the 
thesaurus  of  Japanese  life  and  art. 

In  one  instance,  after  the  war  with  Russia, 
His  iSIajesty  makes  the  waveless  calm  of  a lake 
the  symbol  of  the  continuance  of  peace: 

“I  know  this  morn,  as  I awake. 

The  lucid  level  of  the  lake 
Portrays  the  heart  of  all  four  seas 
In  welcoming  a 3’ear  of  Peace.” 

“The  branches  of  the  willow  do  not  break  with 
the  snow,”  says  the  Japanese  proverb,  but  the 
pine  tree,  bearing  in  braverj"  and  beauty  masses 
of  the  soft  clinging  snow,  is  a symbol  of  grandeur. 
It  recalls  the  splendor  of  the  emerald  seas  and  is  a 
prophecy  of  that  exquisite  weather  which  usually 
follows  a snow  storm  in  Japan.  The  skv--  and 
sea  take  on  a brilliancy  of  color  and  contrast  that 
reminds  one  of  the  technique  of  Rembrandt’s  por- 
traits, in  which  the  human  face  and  hair,  jewels 
and  robes,  between  light  and  shade,  make  en- 
trancing harmony.  The  outline  of  all  objects  on 
land  takes  on  a sharpness  of  edge  that  seems  un- 
earthly in  its  glory.  On  such  a day  the  Emperor 
wrote: 

“The  billowy  emerald  sea. 

The  pine  boughs  white  with  snow. 

Do  symbolize  delightfully 
The  fairest  things  I know.” 


32G 


THE  MIKADO 


The  Emperor  jjrays  for  the  immortality  of  his 
land : 


“Isuzu’s  river  toward  the  main, 

For  ages  measureless  to  man, 

Has  flowed  in  its  imperial  reign ; 

And  so,  methinks,  will  fair  Japan.” 

The  smoke  from  the  humble  cottage  is  a poetic 
theme  everywhere,  but  is  especially  classic  in 
J apanese  poetry.  Thus  the  Emperor’s  pen  limns 
a picture,  while  his  heart  swells  with  joy: 

“Above  each  mountain  hamlet  roof 

The  New  Year  wreaths  are  curling  blue; 

()  happy  ruler,  with  such  proof 
Of  happy  subjects;  loyal,  true.” 

Another  poem  on  “The  Color  of  the  Bamboo” 
suggests  the  spirit  of  unconquerable  Japan,  un- 
changing through  the  ages : 

“The  bamboo  planted  long  ago 
Along  the  garden  breadth 
Hath  lost  no  color  through  the  flow 
Of  Time  and  Change  and  Death.” 

Those  who  have  studied  the  rescripts  from 
Mutsuhito’s  pen  will  see  that  his  prose,  his  poetry 
and  his  life  made  one  harmony.  His  own  faith- 
fid  measuring  up  to  his  own  ideals  explains  much 
of  Japan’s  unhalting  progress  from  the  time 
when  he  took  the  helm  of  the  Ship  of  State. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


327 


How  the  Emperor  welcomed  the  new  while 
loving  the  old,  giving  reverence  to  the  latter 
while  approving  the  former,  is  shown  in  two  of 
his  verses: 

“E’en  the  children  born  in  modern  days 

Should  first  be  taught  the  good  old  ways. 

Even  plants  and  trees  of  alien  clime 
Take  root  in  Nippon’s  earth. 

When  given  the  needful  care  and  time.” 


“Lo ! in  my  garden*  all  things  thrive  and  grow. 
E’en  foreign  trees  and  plants  with  care  bestowed 
Upon  their  shoots,  grow  strong  and  green. 

Like  those  indigeous  to  soil  and  clime.” 


* “My  garden”  is  the  Empire. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII 


JAPAN  IN  THE  COUNCILS  OF  THE  WORLD 

Mikadoism  recreated  Japan  and  made  the  na- 
tion a unity.  The  Japanese  people  had  now  an 
opportimity  to  show  their  real  genius  and  abili- 
ties to  the  world  and  to  destroy  the  Occidental 
prejudices  and  superstitions  gathering  around  the 
term  “Oriental.”  Japan  was  soon  enabled  to 
take  her  place  at  the  world’s  council  tables. 

So  long  as  the  nation  was  divided  by  dualism 
in  government  and  comminuted  in  feudalism, 
with  the  classes  separated  by  social  gulfs  both 
deep  and  wide,  while  kept  rigidly  apart  by  law, 
custom,  ritual  and  even  language,  there  could  be 
no  true  expression  of  the  national  genius  or 
power.  Meanwhile  the  world  remained  in  dense 
ignorance  of  the  possibilities  latent  in  the  charac- 
ter of  a people  even  yet  strangely  misunderstood. 

Thirty-five  years,  however,  have  shown  that 
Japan  is  able  to  adapt  herself  to  a large  meas- 
ure of  representative  government;  while  ten 
years  have  shown  her  ability  not  only  to  hold  her 
own  in  diplomacy  but  even  to  meet  armies  of  an 
Occidental  Power  on  the  field  of  battle.  In  her 
scrupulous  honor  in  discharging  treaty  obliga- 

328 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


329 


tion  she  is  excelled  by  none.  The  sudden  emer- 
gency of  1914,  which  found  the  nations  of  Eu- 
rope at  war,  revealed  also  the  fact  that  the 
J apanese  Government  was  both  prompt  and  will- 
ing in  discharging  her  duties  as  an  ally  to  Great 
Britain. 

The  determination  of  Japan  to  win  recognition 
of  her  sovereignty  and  to  abolish  extraterritorial- 
ity from  her  borders  would  have  come  in  time, 
through  the  despatch  of  an  embassy  to  the 
Treaty  Powers  of  the  world.  It  is,  however,  an 
indisputable  fact  of  history  that  this  vital  meas- 
ure was  first  suggested,  in  writing,  by  the  Ameri- 
can missionary  Guido  F.  Verbeck,  in  1869.  Even 
though  internally  ill  fitted  for  the  duties  of  a 
modern  State  and  unlikely  to  secure  recognition 
as  a sovereign  nation,  Japan  resolved  to  make  the 
attempt  to  gain  it.  This  she  did,  in  1872,  by  dis- 
patching commissioners  of  highest  rank  to  the 
capitals  of  the  United  States  and  Europe. 
Nevertheless,  being  still  medieval  and  Oriental 
in  her  policy  of  religious  persecution,  even  while 
financially  and  otherwise  unprepared,  especially 
in  her  judicial  apparatus,  her  request  was  unani- 
mously refused.  In  1874  Japan  “lacked  the  in- 
dispensable features  of  a modem  State,”  as 
Marquis  Ito  said  of  Korea,  in  order  to  justify  his 
policy  of  1905-1909,  so  analogous  to  that  of  Eu- 
ropeans toward  Japan  in  earlier  days.  Every 
Christian  nation  flatly  refused  to  trust  its  subjects 


330 


THE  MIKADO 


to  Japanese  courts  and  prisons,  and  the  Imperial 
embassy  returned  in  bitter  disappointment. 
Nevertheless  few,  even  sons  of  the  soil,  will  deny 
that  her  years  of  preparation  and  the  putting  of 
her  house  in  order  prepared  Japan  all  the  more 
for  her  subsequent  faithful  adherence  to  modern 
policies.  In  fact  Kido,  the  greatest  in  construc- 
tive vision  among  the  Meiji  statesmen,  always 
regretted  the  too  easy  success  of  the  revolution  of 
1808.  After  the  Constitution  of  1889  had  been 
granted  and  her  judiciary  and  codes  recreated, 
the  path  toward  recognition  of  Japan’s  sov- 
ereignty was  clear. 

In  1900,  led  by  Great  Britain,  the  Western 
Powers  made  treaties  with  constitutional  Japan 
on  the  status  of  an  equal.  Nevertheless  the  aver- 
age Occidental  does  not  yet  award  full  faith  and 
credit  to  Japan.  It  is  with  millions  almost  a per- 
manent conviction,  even  as  it  formerly  was  a fixed 
dogma,  that  no  “Oriental”  nation  is  able  to  con- 
tinue in  the  path  of  permanent  progress.  How- 
ever promising  might  be  its  beginnings,  many 
European  statesmen  predicted,  even  as  most  for- 
eigners still  expect,  that  Japan,  wearying  of  her 
burdens  as  a world  Power,  and  even  “civilized” 
according  to  the  Western  ideas,  will  sooner  or 
later  falter  and  fall  back  in  the  race,  reverting 
more  or  less  profoundly  to  “Orientalism.” 

One  of  the  most  pointed  arguments  used  to-day 
is  that  whereas  in  the  early  years  of  Meiji,  espe- 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


331 


cially  in  the  struggle  with  Chma  and  Russia  no 
breath  of  scandal  or  corruption  was  whispered 
against  members  of  the  Government,  there  have 
been  in  late  years  terrible  revelations  of  graft; 
as,  for  example,  in  the  sugar  scandals,  in  the 
school  textbook  frauds,  and  the  naval  contracts, 
the  latter  of  which  provoked  an  outburst  of  mili- 
tant democracy  in  Toyko  which  caused  a crash  in 
the  Ministry  and  a change  of  Cabinets.  Okuma, 
pupil  of  Verbeck  in  I860,  and  veteran  educator 
and  statesman  was  made  Premier. 

Yet  the  cold  facts  of  history,  personal  knowl- 
edge, and  the  absolute  lack  of  any  vital  difference 
between  Oriental  or  Occidental  human  nature  dull 
the  edge  of  the  arguments  of  both  admirers  and 
detractors  of  Japan.  Those  who  deem  the  Japa- 
nese to  be  the  children  of  Eden,  guileless  and  un- 
spotted, are  startled  at  the  evidences  of  J apanese 
scoimdrehsm  of  a ver}^  modern  and  Occidental 
sort  and  which  wears  so  familiar  a look.  Those 
who,  even  in  dignified  quarterly  reviews,  would 
set  up  Bushido,  a bubble  blown  into  the  volume 
and  thinness  of  iridescence  by  enthusiastic  rhe- 
toricians, against  the  Christianity  of  Jesus,  are 
covered  with  confusion. 

On  the  other  hand,  those  who  think  that  “Ori- 
ental” morality  has  its  bottom  only  in  the  infernal 
regions  have  been  stunned  to  find  the  Japanese 
so  Christianlike  in  war  and  so  honest  in  diplo- 
macy. Those  who  know  familiarly  the  inside  his- 


3S2 


THE  MIKADO 


tory  of  Japan,  during  the  early  Meiji  era,  when 
penniless  Samurai  of  low  rank  became  very 
wealthy  in  being  admirers  of  the  Emperor  and  in 
administering  heads  of  departments,  see  no  geo- 
graphical or  social  difference  in  the  methods  of 
nest  lining.  East  or  West. 

No  changes  in  the  form  of  government  or  social 
rehabilitation  of  the  classes  have  had  any  effect  on 
tlie  human  heart,  which  remains  the  same  as  be- 
fore. Japanese  graft  is  no  different  in  essence 
from  the  American,  Russian,  or  British  variety, 
but  it  takes  on  different  forms  and  has  to  be 
curbed  in  different  ways  in  different  eras  of  time. 
It  was  by  exposing  the  Hokkaido  scandal,  in 
1883,  that  Okuma,  now  Premier,  became  a popu- 
lar hero.* 

It  is  doubtless  true  that  the  alliance  made  with 
Great  Britain  enabled  Japan  to  accomplish  two 
objects;  first  to  roll  back  the  tide  of  Russian  ag- 
gression from  her  own  soil,  where  the  blood  of 

* Mr.  W.  W.  McLaren,  editor  of  “Japanese  Government  Docu- 
ments,” from  1867,  says:  “The  history  of  graft  during  the  Meiji 

era,  when  some  day  it  can  be  written,  will  form  an  interesting 
parallel  to  the  eighteenth  century  in  England.  Between  the  two 
stories  there  will  be  this  curious  difference,  however,  for  in 
Japan  there  was  little  if  any  sentiment  against  dishonesty  in 
public  life.  . . . WTth  such  a public  sentiment,  the  result  both 
of  feudal  tradition  and  Chinese  philosophy,  there  is  nothing 
remarkable  in  the  all  but  unbroken  uniformity  of  the  practice 
of  starting  life  in  comparative  poverty  and  dying  millionaires.” 
“Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan,”  Vol.  XLII, 
pp.  Ixviii,  Ixix.  1914. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


333 


her  people  had  been  spilled  by  Russians  more 
times  than  one,  and  also  to  substantiate  her  right 
of  trade  and  residence  on  the  soil  of  continental 
Asia.  Furthermore,  this  alliance  enabled  an 
Asiatic  people  to  demand  and  gain  a “man’s 
chance,”  and  to  demonstrate  that  the  boasted  in- 
vincibility that  rests  upon  color,  creed  or  conceit 
is  a chimera. 

In  a large  sense  of  the  word,  Mikadoism  was 
the  force  that  disturbed  “the  balance  of  power” 
in  Europe,  tumbled  the  edifices  of  British  and 
Russian,  German  and  French  statecraft  into  ruin, 
and  compelled  world  views.  Mikadoism  was  the 
dynamite  that  ruined  Bismarckian  alliances,  and, 
perhaps,  as  history  may  yet  show,  set  the  wisdom 
of  Hamilton  and  Washington  in  clearer  light. 
No  alliance  is  without  its  entanglements.  There 
is  a close,  logical  connection  between  the  battle  of 
Mukden  in  1905  and  the  European  war  of  1914. 
The  unbroken  series  of  victories  of  the  Sun  Ban- 
ner in  Manchuria  demonstrated  that  the  Russian 
war  machine  was  obsolete,  her  platoon  volleys  ab- 
surd, her  tactics  and  strategy  impossible  in 
modern  times,  and  her  transportation  methods 
antiquated. 

This  revelation  had  an  immediate  effect  in  Eu- 
rope. The  quick  eye  of  the  Kaiser  saw  that  the 
dual  alliance  of  France  and  Russia  was  now,  like 
the  supposed  neutrality  of  Belgium,  “a  bulwark 
of  paper”  and  his  military  writers  and  staff  offi- 


334. 


THE  MIKADO 


cers  thought  with  him.  Bernhardi  wrote  his  book, 
and  a war  party  formed  which  dominated  in  suc- 
cession the  nation,  the  Crown  Prince  and  ulti- 
mately the  Kaiser.  Pan-Germanism  run  mad,  in 
its  literary  foam  of  book  and  map,  rolled  like  a 
wave  over  the  Empire.  In  the  popular  atlases, 
even,  the  Netherlands  received  the  same  color  as 
did  Germany. 

Bismarck  and  the  kind  of  a Fatherland  that 
grew  up  after  the  humiliation  of  France,  in  1870, 
were  disturbed  and  irritated  by  what  seemed  the 
almost  miraculous  power  of  France  to  recuperate. 
Hostile  diplomacy  and  veiled  threats,  from  the 
man  who  wore  his  sword  in  the  Diet  and  patted 
it  significantly  when  the  peace  loving  part  of  Ger  * 
many’s  whisper  of  protest  was  heard  against  a 
policy  of  “blood  and  iron,”  became  the  rule.  On 
the  other  hand,  Russia  showed  increasing  friend- 
liness to  France  in  one  case,  even  mobilizing  her 
army  near  the  German  frontier;  which  proceed- 
ing gave  thought  in  Berlin.  When  Bismarck  was 
retired,  soon  after  the  accession  of  William  II., 
F ranee  and  Russia  concluded  their  defensive  pact 
and  the  Dual  Alliance  became  a new  force  in  the 
politics  of  Europe. 

I remember  well  the  rejoicings  in  Paris,  in 
1891,  when  Russian  artillerists  sitting  on  their 
guns  joined  with  the  French  cuirassiers  and  in- 
fantry in  the  pageant  of  Joan  of  Arc.  Then  the 
welkin  rang  with  shouts  of  joy.  This  friendship 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


335 


of  Russia  and  France,  during  fifteen  years  or 
more,  drew  out  from  Kaiser  William  a great  show 
of  affability  toward  his  country’s  former  adver- 
sary, and  many  were  the  seeming  tokens  of  his 
regard.  When  the  Kaiser’s  warships  in  the  Chi- 
nese Seas  joined  with  the  Dual  Alliance  of 
France  and  Russia  to  rob  the  Japanese  of  the 
fruits  of  their  victory  in  the  war  with  China,  and 
the  Emperor,  whose  “heart  bleeds”  to-day  over 
Louvain  in  ashes,  turned  artist  long  enough  to 
make  pietures  of  “the  yellow  peril,”  he  gave  the 
Japanese  opportunity  to  nourish  a seeond  unfor- 
gettable grudge  against  the  Fatherland.  The 
first  was  when,  in  1879,  a German  man-of-war, 
in  ostentatious  defiance  of  Japan’s  civilization 
and  hygienic  laws,  escorted  to  the  docks  in  Yoko- 
hama a German  steamer  from  a port  infected 
with  cholera,  a proceeding  which  General  Grant, 
who  was  then  on  the  ground,  declared  should 
have  been  met  by  the  concentrated  fire  of  the 
J apanese  forts.  Later  on,  although  at  the 
Hague  conference  the  German  delegation  placed 
the  only  real  obstacle  to  the  limitation  of  arma- 
ments, yet  until  1906,  even  after  the  creation  of 
the  Entente  between  France  and  Great  Britain, 
made  in  April,  1904,  the  Kaiser  still  acted  so 
much  like  a gentleman  and  a Christian  that  he  al- 
most totally  disarmed  French  distrust  of  Prussia. 
In  fact,  his  amiability  was  extreme,  until  the 
Russian  war  machine  broke  down. 


336 


THE  MIKADO 


What  was  it  that  caused  a sudden  change  in 
the  brain  under  the  spiked  helmet  and  provoked 
what  the  world  thought  at  the  time  was  an  un- 
justified outburst  of  militarism  in  France  as 
shown  in  the  enlargements  of  her  armies? 

The  victory  of  Japan  over  Russia  at  Mukden, 
in  February,  1905,  disturbed  the  balance  of 
power  in  Europe.  In  the  spring  of  1905  the 
Prussian  military  oligarchy  that  held  Germany 
in  its  grip,  the  Kaiser  being  at  its  head,  dis- 
covered that  the  Dual  Alliance  was  no  longer  a 
formidable  war  engine. 

Immediately  there  was  a change  of  atmosphere 
in  Germany.  The  British  and  French  Entente 
must  be  broken.  At  Tangier,  Morocco,  the 
German  Emperor  showed  his  determination  to 
intervene  in  international  affairs.  He  insisted 
that  the  Algeciras  Conference  be  called  for  the 
adjustment  of  the  questions  raised  and  demanded 
that  the  able  French  Minister  Delcasse,  author 
of  the  Entente  and  opposed  to  the  conference 
project,  be  removed  from  office,  threatening  in- 
stant war  if  this  were  not  done.  France,  though 
bullied,  was  not  then  ready  to  fight  Germany 
and  Delcasse  resigned.  The  result  of  the  Alge- 
ciras Conference,  which  lasted  three  months,  was 
that  a majority  of  the  delegates  justified  the 
course  of  France.  The  Entente  was  strength- 
ened and  Germany  became  less,  and  not  more, 
the  dictator  of  Europe. 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


337 


Meanwhile  France  improved  her  army  and 
navy,  and  quickly  renewed  her  strength,  but 
later,  at  the  critical  moment  of  French  Minister- 
ial adjustments  that  promised  to  open  a weak 
point  in  the  national  armor  of  France,  the  Ger- 
man warship  Panther,  at  Agadir,  the  most  south- 
ern point  of  Morocco,  made  virtual  invasion  of 
French  territory.  This  disagreeable  surprise, 
with  electrical  celerity,  transformed  Frenchmen 
of  every  shade  of  belief,  opinion  and  social  grade 
into  lovers  of  “an  Eternal  France.”  Never  was 
the  nation  more  united.  Like  a rock,  the  Ger- 
man bluff  was  defied  and  withstood.  In  mutually 
tense  expectancy,  war  was  looked  for  within 
twenty-four  hours,  but  France  budged  not  an 
inch. 

One  incident,  almost  theatrically  comical, 
showed  the  tenseness  of  the  strain,  when  war  was 
likely  to  be  declared  by  telegraph.  At  Jemappes, 
in  Belgium,  where  in  1792  Lafayette,  of  Ameri- 
can fame,  with  his  young  conscript  French  repub- 
licans had  defeated  an  army  of  Austrian  veterans, 
a Gallic  cock  in  bronze,  instead  of  the  N apoleonic 
eagle,  was  to  be  unveiled ; but  on  the  day 
appointed  both  the  French  President  and  the 
Belgian  King,  previously  announced  on  the  pro- 
gramme, “glared  by  their  absence,”  and  the  ova- 
tion of  the  French  General  Langlois  was  “as 
colorless  as  a royal  speech  from  the  Throne.” 

From  this  time  forth  the  costly  forts  of  Liege, 


338 


THE  MIKADO 


built  a generation  before  but  unoecupied,  were 
garrisoned  and  provisioned,  and  France  im- 
proved her  artillery.  When  in  1912  the  French 
Government  discovered  that  Germany  had 
690,000  soldiers  under  arms,  while  France  had 
but  583,000,  and  that  the  Teuton’s  war  chest  ex- 
ceeded that  of  the  Gauls  by  over  $40,000,000, 
they  took  the  alarm.  When,  in  the  January  fol- 
lowing, Germany  made  a third  increase  in  her 
army,  making  it  thirty  per  cent  larger  than  that 
of  France,  the  conscripts  then  under  the  Tri- 
color were  held  to  arms  for  another  year,  and 
the  term  of  enlistment  was  lengthened  from  two 
to  three  years.  On  the  sea  Germany’s  navy  was 
planned  to  be,  in  1917,  twice  as  large  as  that  of 
France.  Thus  the  mania  for  colossal  armaments 
went  on.  The  German  effective  force,  suddenly 
raised  from  700,000  to  880,000  men,  meant  in- 
evitably an  early  obedience  to  the  call  of  the 
books  of  Bernhardi  and  Frobenius,  and  pointed 
to  the  war  of  1914. 

In  this  strife  of  nations  Japan,  as  the  ally  of 
Great  Britain,  was  summoned  at  the  call  from 
Downing  Street,  to  enter  with  her  splendid  army 
and  navy.  Under  the  Premiership  of  Count 
Okuma  the  Imperial  Diet  on  September  9,  1914, 
voted  unanimously  to  adopt  the  war  programme 
of  the  Government  and  appropriated  $26,500,000 
to  carry  out  the  measures  for  removing  Germany 
from  the  sphere  of  affairs  in  China.  The  plan  was 


INSTITUTION  AND  PERSON 


339 


to  capture  the  fortified  Tsing-Tau,  and  to  hand 
back  to  China  that  portion  of  her  territory  in 
Shang  Tung  wrested  from  her  by  Germany  in 
1897. 

What  the  issue  of  the  great  world  war  of  1914 
may  be  is  not  within  the  domain  of  history,  which 
records  the  past  but  makes  no  forecasts  of  the 
future.  It  is  clear,  however,  from  a study  of 
Mikadoism  that,  according  to  the  doctrines  of 
the  conservation  and  transmutation  of  forces, 
Japan’s  aneient  institution,  revived  in  modern 
form,  has  profoundly  influenced  both  the  nation 
and  the  world. 

On  this  institution,  as  on  a rock,  Japan  makes 
her  claims  for  full  recognition  by  the  nations  of 
the  world.  Ignoring  prejudices  and  ignorances, 
the  race  and  color  hatreds  which  are  the  legacies 
of  barbaric  ages,  she  demands  the  fulfilment  of  all 
treaty  obligations  and  the  common  justice  mu- 
tually expected  from  each  other  by  the  most 
civilized  nations. 


INDEX 


Adams,  Will,  218. 
Administration,  265. 

Adoption,  80,  103,  265. 

Adzuma,  Prince,  179. 

Aidzu,  125,  142,  272. 

Ainu,  16,  223. 

Algeciras  Conference,  336. 
Alliance,  Anglo-Japanese,  332, 
333,  338,  339. 

Alliance,  Dual,  334-338. 

Ama,  33,  37. 

Americans  in  Japan,  13,  232, 
261. 

Ancestor  worship,  20,  35,  37,  42, 
174. 

Ando,  101,  103,  104. 

Anthem,  National,  51. 

Area,  1. 

Architecture,  175. 

Art,  35,  54,  89,  175,  201,  235, 
236. 

Army,  68,  69,  170,  171,  181,  182, 
183,  269-274. 

Arthur,  Prince,  161,  328. 
Aryans,  16. 

Ashikaga,  53,  54,  111. 
Assassinations,  100,  184,  267. 
Austrians,  163,  164. 

Bakufu,  61,  83,  131. 

Banks,  185. 

Banzai,  218. 

Barons,  76,  77,  106,  130,  151, 
152,  153,  155. 

Battles,  127,  128,  142,  143. 
Bayonets,  274. 

Beresford,  Sir  Charles,  159. 
Bible,  228. 

Bismarck,  334. 

Black,  J.  R.,  237. 


Bonin  Islands,  251. 

Boxers,  11. 

Brinkley,  Frank,  157. 

British  in  Japan,  159-163,  185, 
232,  238,  330,  338. 

Brown,  Dr.  S.  R.,  237. 

Buddhism,  18,  37,  43-46,  168, 
212,  217,  243. 

Bushido,  43,  68,  69,  110,  260, 
270,  276,  278,  331. 

Cabinet,  189,  241. 

Calendar,  see  Chronology. 

Capitals,  39,  44,  52. 

Castles,  102,  140,  191,  224,  263. 

Chamberlain,  Basil  Hall,  34,  51. 

Charter-oath,  136,  137. 

China,  8,  11,  154,  165,  233-235, 
245,  248,  289,  339. 

Chinese,  16,  18,  19,  106. 

Chinese  civilization,  18,  19,  37. 

Chinese  literature,  45.  See  Con- 
fucianism and  Philosophy. 

Chopsticks,  308,  309. 

Choshiu,  82,  83,  108,  112-116, 
181. 

Christianity,  18,  58,  64,  72,  77, 
135,  140,  141,  149,  161,  172- 
174,  202,  204,  209,  213,  214, 
253. 

Chronology,  16,  24,  25,  83,  86, 
122,  146,  216,  217,  281.  See 
Eras. 

Chrysanthemum,  50. 

Church  and  State,  6.  See  Re- 
ligion and  Shinto. 

Civil  war,  53.  See  Satsuma  Re- 
bellion. 

Civilization  of  Japan,  48. 

Clans,  37. 


342 


INDEX 


Classes,  see  Samurai. 

Classical  era,  43-51. 

Clement,  E.  W.,  288. 

Clothes,  194,  222,  223. 

Codes,  see  Law. 

Coinage,  185,  186. 

Communal  civilization,  19,  20. 
Confucianism,  45. 

Constitution  of  Japan,  22,  46, 
78,  136,  174,  279. 

Cornell  University,  39. 
Coronation,  5,  85. 

Corruption,  Political,  331,  332. 
Couplets,  323,  324. 

Cram,  R.  A.,  175. 

Criticism,  213. 

Cycle  of  Cathay,  86. 

Czar,  293. 


Daimio,  see  Barons. 

Dat6,  263. 

Death,  84. 

De  Long,  C.  F.,  208,  228. 
Democracy,  60,  176,  199,  230. 
Denison,  H.  W.,  195. 

D^shima,  173,  254. 

Dickins,  F.  V.,  226. 

Diet  Imperial,  248,  284,  286. 
Dissection,  61. 

Dogmas,  11,  17,  26,  27,  42,  45. 
Dress,  220,  230. 

Dual  Alliance,  334. 

Duarchy,  39,  52,  53,  55,  56. 
Duke  of  Edinburgh,  159,  160. 
Dutch  in  Japan,  56,  58,  59,  61, 
68,  132,  173,  254. 

Dynasties,  53,  54. 

Echizen  Shungaku,  Baron  and 
Prince,  67-78,  83,  106,  111, 
118,  124,  151. 

Echizen,  Mochiaki,  71,  133,  153, 
157,  191. 

Economics,  58,  93. 

Education,  69,  80,  95,  132,  133, 
175,  200,  220,  232,  261,  312. 
Elder  statesmen,  55,  82,  187, 
294. 


Embassies,  81,  101,  207,  212,  240, 
329. 

Emperor,  26,  56,  86,  87. 
Empress  Haruko,  166,  167,  229, 
230,  231,  242,  314,  315,  312, 
313.  See  Women. 

Empresses,  85,  94,  95,  228-230. 
Empress  Sada,  317. 

Enomoto,  Admiral,  251. 

Entente,  336. 

Eras,  46,  83,  84,  161.  See 
Chronology. 

Eta,  see  Outcasts. 

Ethnology,  16. 

Expositions,  236,  275. 
Extra-territoriality,  206,  329. 

Face,  176,  186. 

Fairy  tales,  81.  See  Kojiki. 
Farmers,  232,  258,  261. 

Family,  The,  20,  37. 

Federalist,  The,  185. 

Fenollosa,  236. 

Feudalism,  27,  29,  55,  151-153, 
190-194. 

Fillmore,  Millard,  5,  7,  64,  65, 
66,  79,  254. 

Finance,  160,  163,  185,  197,  198, 
202,  265. 

Flag,  50. 

Foreign  helpers.  See  Yatoi. 
Formosa,  234,  235,  244-247. 
France,  11,  333-337. 

France  and  Germany,  334-338. 
Fujiwara  family,  39. 

Fu'kui,  67-69,  113,  153,  157,  181, 
182,  190-191,  197. 

Fukuzawa,  28. 

Genji,  see  Minamoto. 

Germanic  people,  17. 

Germans  in  Japan,  220. 
Germany,  11,  333,  334-338. 
Germany  and  France,  334-338. 
Goble,  Jonathan,  203. 

Gods,  39,  40,  41. 

Government,  189,  265,  275.  See 
Cabinet. 


INDEX 


313 


Government,  representative,  153, 
154,  266,  275,  328. 

Graham,  William  A.,  79. 

Grant,  General,  11,  165,  335. 
Gratitude,  13. 

Greek  Catholics,  149,  173,  253, 
263. 

Hair,  220,  239. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  185,  333. 
Harada,  President,  136,  200. 
Hara-kiri,  47,  154,  272. 

Harris,  Townsend,  13,  41,  70,  71, 
79,  80,  95,  97,  206. 

Hashimoto,  Dr.  S.,  98. 

Hawaii,  251. 

Head-hunting,  110,  111,  234. 
Hearn,  Lafcadio,  42. 

Heik6,  see  Taira. 

Hepburn,  Dr.  J.  C.,  228.  See 
Physicians. 

Hid6yoshi,  54,  128. 

Hi-nin,  see  Outcasts. 

History  of  Japan,  9,  10,  13,  16, 
23,  24,  63,  65,  81. 

Hojo,  54. 

Hokkaido,  see  Yezo.. 

Holmes,  Dr.  O.  W.,  210,  249. 
Horses,  262,  264,  301,  302. 
House,  E.  H.,  247. 

Hozumi,  Dr.,  42. 

Hiibner,  Baron,  164. 

Ideals,  207. 

li,  premier,  70,  80,  97,  98,  99, 

100. 

Imperialism,  29,  44,  62. 

India,  17,  58. 

Individuality,  19,  28. 

Inouy^,  Count,  254. 

Itagaki,  275. 

Italy,  240. 

Ito,  Marquis,  23,  55,  64,  114,  185, 
241,  329. 

Iwakura,  T.,  Prince,  150,  207, 
240,  243. 

lydsato.  Prince,  103,  141,  144. 
ly^yasu,  15,  54,  55-60,  76,  96- 


Japan,  1,  24,  339. 

Japanese,  10,  13,  15,  19,  24,  186. 
Jin-riki-sha,  203. 

Jiu-jutsu,  69. 

Journalism,  29. 

Judiciary,  see  Law. 

Jun-shi,  4. 

Kadzu,  Princess,  100,  102,  103, 
117,  139. 

Kagoshima,  106,  179,  180,  268, 
272. 

Kamakura,  52. 

Kami,  32. 

Katsu,  Count,  139,  241. 

K6iki,  70,  113,  116-128,  139,  143, 
144,  224,  269. 

Kempff,  Admiral,  11. 

Kido,  140,  152,  181,  209,  330. 
Knox,  Dr.  G.  W.,  42. 

Kob6,  129,  130,  268. 

Kojiki,  34,  42,  213. 

Kom6i,  76,  79-83,  95,  96,  108, 
117,  122,  305. 

Korea,  8,  36,  44,  173,  224,  240, 
253-257,  329. 

Koreans,  15,  16,  256,  257. 
Kumamoto,  267,  269,  270. 

Kum6,  Professor,  211,  213. 
Kuriles,  251,  291. 

Kuroda,  General,  254. 

Kyoto,  1,  2,  41,  52,  59,  81,  89, 
107,  112-114,  133,  136,  154,  166. 

Language,  27,  28. 

Laws,  183,  207,  208,  209,  237, 
248,  330. 

Le  Gendre,  General,  234,  235, 
246. 

Li  Hung  Chang,  235. 

Li^ge,  337. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  20,  78,  201. 
Lloyd,  Rev.  Arthur,  295,  320. 
Literature,  24. 

McLaren,  W.  W.,  124,  332. 
Mabuchi,  7,  60. 

Maria  Luz,  225,  226. 


INDEX 


S4>4> 

Meckel,  General,  13,  237. 

Medical  science.  Cl,  68. 

M^iji  era,  1,  5,  6,  29,  55,  84,  124, 
146. 

Merchants,  222. 

Mexico,  263. 

Mikado,  1,  23,  25,  28,  29,  48. 
See  Mutsiihito. 

Mikadoism,  2,  14,  15,  43,  45,  47, 
52,  53,  55,  64,  82,  103,  104,  141, 
154,  199,  283,  339.  See  also 
Shinto. 

Milk,  307,  308. 

Minamoto,  40,  47,  52. 

Mint,  185. 

Mitford,  Mr.,  159,  161,  202. 

Mito,  63,  70. 

Money,  197,  198. 

Monks,  40-46. 

Montesquieu,  209. 

Mori,  Arinori,  154. 

Mukden,  333,  336. 

Murray,  Dr.  David,  232,  248. 

Music,  35,  50,  51,  256. 

Museums,  262. 

Mutsuhito,  1,  21,  49,  81,  84,  85, 
86,  88-90,  112,  125,  128,  133- 
138,  146,  158-162,  164,  177-180, 
199,  200-337. 

Mythology,  3,  34.  See  Kojiki. 

Nagasaki,  61,  140,  147. 

Nakamura,  Masanao,  205,  280. 

Names,  18,  49,  85,  86. 

Narusd,  Dr.  Jinzo,  200. 

Nation,  The,  50,  139. 

Nationality,  151,  156,  169,  185, 
231,  232,  265. 

Navigation,  251,  252. 

Navy,  United  States,  81,  87,  128, 
129,  234,  252. 

Navy,  Japanese,  138,  147,  217, 
242,  254,  264,  268,. 

New  Brunswick,  N.  J.,  209. 

Newspapers,  152,  191,  195,  236, 
237,  248,  249,  257. 

New  Year’s  Day,  217,  218. 

Nihongi,  42. 

Nijo  Castle,  59,  89,  125. 


Nikko,  13,  258. 

Nitob6,  Dr.  Inazo,  260,  261. 

No,  221,  260. 

NoWoka,  272. 

Nobles,  199,  200. 

Nobunaga,  54. 

Nogi,  4,  7,  20,  271. 

Oath  of  Emperor,  136,  137,  276. 
Ogi,  Takato,  220. 

Okakura,  65. 

Okubo,  55,  62,  116,  135,  170, 
179,  241,  243,  247,  276-279. 
Okuma,  Premier,  144,  246,  331, 
332,  338. 

Omura,  General,  127,  142,  162. 
Opera,  see  No. 

Oriental,  The,  7,  328,  330. 
Orient  and  Occident,  19,  20. 
Origin  of  Japanese,  see  Eth- 
nology. 

Osaka,  116,  128,  129,  130,  185, 
225,  269. 

Outcasts,  6,  78,  201,  202,  225. 
Oyama,  34,  145,  302. 

Oyom^i  philosophy,  63,  67,  74. 

Palace,  2,  3,  89,  108,  112,  113- 
126,  220,  223,  224. 

Parkes,  Sir  Harry,  133,  154,  159- 
163,  291. 

Parties,  54,  55,  119-121,  279,  280, 
281,  285. 

Patriotism,  46. 

Peace  Preservation  Regulations, 
283,  284. 

People,  The,  15,  111,  150,  213. 
Perry,  Commodore  M.  C.,  5,  7, 
13,  38,  41,  56,  64,  65,  68,  79,  87. 
Personality,  27,  28,  29,  86,  186. 
Philosophy,  57,  63,  94. 
Photographs,  164,  244. 
Physicians,  61,  305. 

Pillory,  41. 

Poetry,  35,  51,  95,  296,  302,  314, 
315,  320-327. 

Polo,  257. 

Population,  1,  201. 

Port  Arthur,  133. 


INDEX 


34-5 


Portraits,  39,  186,  244,  264. 
Ports,  opening  of,  119,  123,  148. 
Postal  system,  185,  186,  252,  253. 
Prayer,  1,  2. 

Presidents,  5. 

Pretenders,  41,  148,  149,  182. 
Princesses,  Imperial,  258,  259. 
Prisons,  249. 

Progress,  13. 

Public  opinion,  75. 

Purity,  32. 

Putnam,  G.  H.,  209. 

Rai  Sanyo,  42,  63. 

Railways,  222,  228,  268. 

Red  Cross,  313. 

Reforms,  38,  39,  48. 

Religion,  167,  211.  See  also 
Shinto,  Buddhism,  and  Chris- 
tianity. 

Republics,  147. 

Restoration,  41,  122,  167,  206. 
Revolutions  in  Japan,  29,  38, 
52,  62. 

Rice,  219. 

Riu  Kiu,  1,  11,  165,  223,  233,  234. 
Roads,  224,  264. 

Roman  civilization,  19. 

Ronin,  100,  104,  105,  110,  285. 
Russia,  11,  101,  251,  272,  291- 
298,  333. 

Russo-Greek  church,  see  Greek 
Catholics. 


Sacred  Symbols,  The  Three,  33. 
Saghalien,  101,  251,  291. 

Saigo,  Marshal,  140,  245,  268. 
Saigo,  T.,  278. 

Samurai,  136,  156,  239,  253,  270, 
272  284. 

Sanjo,  Prince,  108,  141,  142. 
Sapporo,  261. 

Satoh,  Henry,  98. 

Satow,  Sir  E.  M.,  132. 

Satsuma,  62,  102,  105,  106,  108, 
112,  168,  178-181,  224,  225,  239, 
244. 

Satsuma  Rebellion,  267-274. 


Sawa,  75,  268. 

Secrecy,  75,  268. 

Sendai,  263,  282. 

Seward,  William  H.,  162,  163. 
Shampoo,  303,  304. 

Shimadzu  of  Satsuma,  180,  225, 
239,  240. 

Shidzuoka,  56,  143,  144,  224. 
Shimada,  Saburo,  98,  227,  237. 
Shimonos^ki,  82,  114. 

Shinto,  26,  31-38,  41,  63,  154, 
158,  159,  166-169,  212. 

Shogun,  2,  52,  59,  65,  70,  81,  84, 
107,  108,  116,  117,  146. 

Silk,  242,  303. 

Skulls,  26,  110. 

Social  life,  19. 

Soga  family,  38. 

Songs,  50,  51. 

Soshi,  286,  287. 

Sovereignty  of  Japan,  206-211. 
Soy6shima,  235. 

Spain,  263. 

Spencer,  Herbert,  42. 

State,  The,  40. 

Stature,  311. 

Steamers,  251,  252. 

Students  abroad,  38,  77,  186, 
187. 

Sun,  34,  35,  50,  218,  219. 

Swords,  108,  110,  180,  191,  193, 
203,  204,  243,  255,  271,  272, 
274,  276,  309,  210. 

Tara,  40,  47,  53. 

Taisho,  142,  161,  275. 

Tanaka,  Fujimaro,  7,  211,  212, 
214. 

Tea,  307. 

Teeth,  230. 

Tenno,  29,  45,  48. 

Throne,  174. 

Tientsin,  235. 

Titles,  28,  29,  45,  48. 

Togo,  Admiral,  101,  297,  298. 
Tokugawa,  46,  55,  112,  141. 
Tokyo,  140,  155. 

Tosa,  123,  124,  181,  275. 

Trade,  70,  80,  95,  110,  190. 


346 


INDEX 


Treasury,  198,  199. 

Treaties,  68-70,  80,  81,  130,  158, 
206,  207,  208,  255. 

Tsuda,  Uni6,  200. 

Tycoon,  see  Shogun. 

United  States,  64,  65,  79,  114, 
165,  170,  255.  See  also  Amer- 
icans, Fillmore,  Harris,  Yatoi. 

University,  Imperial,  219. 

Usurpers,  41,  111,  139. 

Uy6no,  141-144,  275. 

Vassar  College,  145. 

Verbeck,  Guido  F.,  13,  142,  157, 
168,  170,  171,  176,  207,  232, 
250,  329. 

Wakamatsu,  144. 

Washington  (city),  81,  185,  208, 
209,  240. 

Watson,  R.  T.,  230. 


Williams,  General,  163. 

Willis,  Dr.,  132 
Windsor  Castle. 

Women  in  Japan,  25,  34,  200, 
226,  228-231,  313,  314. 

World  War  of  1914,  339. 

Xavier,  132. 

Yamato,  26,  28,  36,  248. 

Yatoi,  13,  133,  153,  157,  194, 
195,  196,  220,  238,  261. 
Year-periods,  5.  See  Chronol- 
ogy. 

Yedo,  41,  58,  70,  74,  80,  81,  140, 
146,  203. 

Yezo,  1,  115,  147,  195. 

Yokoi  H^ishiro,  67,  77,  136,  202, 
Yokosuka,  217. 

Yosliida  Shoin,  63,  64. 
Yoshihito,  315-318. 

Yuri,  Viscount,  136. 


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